Gazeta Logomarka

THE ANATOMY OF ACCOUNTABILITY, HYBRID WARFARE AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PROSECUTION SERVICE. THE REPORT OF PROSECUTOR WŁODZIMIERZ BLAJERSKI

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF'S COMMENT OF THE DAY

THE ANATOMY OF ACCOUNTABILITY, HYBRID WARFARE AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PROSECUTION SERVICE. THE REPORT OF PROSECUTOR WŁODZIMIERZ BLAJERSKI

Date of issue: 15 September 2026

Editor-in-Chief: Mieczysław Dzikowski

Publisher: ALGOOMNI P.S.A., ul. Hoża 86/410, 00-682 Warszawa

Dear Readers of “Gazeta Logomarka”,

We stand at a turning point for the Polish state. After months of stagnation, political procrastination and pseudo-accountability, which left the public with a sense of hopelessness, procedural facts of a weight capable of toppling the existing balance of power are now entering the stage. The conversation between journalist Paweł Chojecki on Idź Pod Prąd television and prosecutor Włodzimierz Blajerski – the legendary head of the underground Solidarity structures of the Lublin Region, a former MP, deputy minister and architect of the modern foundations of Polish criminal law – casts an uncompromising light on the mechanisms paralysing Polish institutions.

As Editor-in-Chief of “Gazeta Logomarka”, I refuse to accept a sham state. The Republic cannot be held hostage either to the Eastern doctrine of subversion or to domestic politico-business mafias which, under the guise of fighting for the rule of law or a supposed free market, attempt to siphon hundreds of millions of zloty into foreign accounts and cryptocurrencies.

In this special edition of 15 September 2026, we subject the five key areas outlined by Prosecutor Blajerski to a meticulous, point-by-point vivisection. Each of these articles is an autonomous, exhaustive analysis: from the geopolitical challenge thrown down to Moscow by Radosław Sikorski in Kyiv and the question of Królewiec, through the state of hybrid war and subversive terrorism on the territory of the Republic of Poland and the humiliation of the state in the face of obstruction at the former Academy of Justice, to a devastating critique of the government's 300-point pseudo-reform of the prosecution service, and finally the procedural earthquake in the ZondaCrypto investigation, where the testimony of Przemysław Kral and the actions of Prosecutor Marek Wełna in Katowice are leading to the inevitable downfall of Zbigniew Ziobro.

I invite you to read this major report on the state of the rule of law and national security.

CONTENTS OF THIS EDITION

  • ARTICLE I: A Doctrine of Strength Towards the Kremlin. From Sikorski's Kyiv Appeal on Królewiec to the Historical Inevitability of Moscow's Fall

  • ARTICLE II: Poland on the Firing Line. The State of Hybrid War, Sabotage Near Garwolin and the Awakening of Civic Awareness

  • ARTICLE III: The Ineptitude of Power and Political Chutzpah. The Anatomy of Dismantling Ziobro's “Feeding Trough” at the Academy of Justice

  • ARTICLE IV: Three Hundred Points to Paralysis. Why the Plan to Separate the Prosecutor General from the Government Is a Return to the Model of the Polish People's Republic

  • ARTICLE V: A Breakthrough in the ZondaCrypto Investigation. The Testimony of Przemysław Kral, the Crown Witness Institution and the Inevitable Extradition of Zbigniew Ziobro

ARTICLE I: A Doctrine of Strength Towards the Kremlin. From Sikorski's Kyiv Appeal on Królewiec to the Historical Inevitability of Moscow's Fall

Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski

  1. The paradigm of submission versus a historical faith in the fall of the evil empire

    The remarks of Prosecutor Włodzimierz Blajerski take us back to the fundamental watershed of the 1980s, when Western elites were paralysed by fear of the Soviet Union. Even in 1988, shortly before the fall of the Berlin Wall, Western leaders (such as Chancellor Helmut Kohl) and prominent US security advisers (such as Prof. Zbigniew Brzeziński during his visits to the Catholic University of Lublin, KUL) warned against “provoking the Russian bear”, treating the USSR as a permanent fixture of the global order.

    At the same time, the underground Solidarity of the Lublin Region, led by Prosecutor Blajerski and Andrzej Sokołowski, rejected this capitulationist narrative, seeing real symptoms of the rot of the communist apparatus: its entanglement in the war in Afghanistan, economic collapse and the repressive impotence of the regime (the 1984 amnesty, which underground activists refused to accept, demanding full acquittal in court).

  2. Radosław Sikorski's Kyiv manifesto and the concept of strategic uncertainty

    The visit of Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski to Kyiv for the YES (Yalta European Strategy) conference, amid intensified missile attacks on Ukrainian infrastructure and rail transport, was an act of the highest political courage.

    There, Sikorski formulated a groundbreaking military thesis: Vladimir Putin takes it absolutely for granted that the North Atlantic Alliance is a purely defensive and peaceful pact, which means the West fails to exploit Russia's local, critical weaknesses. The head of Polish diplomacy said plainly that NATO must step up military manoeuvres right on the borders of the Królewiec Oblast (formerly Kaliningrad), introducing a state of permanent strategic uncertainty into Russian defence planning.

  3. The Królewiec Oblast as the Russian Federation's asymmetric weak point

    The Królewiec enclave is packed to the teeth with electronic warfare systems, missile installations and anti-aircraft equipment, but – as was emphatically stressed – it lacks sufficient conventional ground forces capable of defending the territory. A real manoeuvre threat from allied forces on the approaches to Królewiec forces the staffs in Moscow to regroup their reserves immediately and relieves pressure on the Ukrainian front.

    Królewiec remains a post-Yalta, Soviet bastard of the Second World War – an area to which Russia never had any historical or ethnic rights, seized as a result of the Ribbentrop-Molotov alliance and the armed aggression of 1939. A poll conducted among viewers and citizens produced an unprecedented result: as many as 87% of respondents favour NATO being ready to strike and neutralise the threat from Królewiec should the conflict escalate.

  4. The historical continuity of Sikorski's stance – from the mujahideen to atomic diplomacy

    It was recalled that Sikorski's radically anti-Russian stance is not an opportunistic marketing ploy but the consequence of a life path stretching back to the 1980s. As a young war correspondent, Sikorski supported, weapon in hand, the Afghan fighters battling the Soviet army, and then in 1992 he helped shape the pro-independence line of Prime Minister Jan Olszewski's government as deputy minister of national defence.

    Experience teaches that one must never negotiate with an imperial bandit from a position of submission. In 1938 Chamberlain brought back from Munich an illusory “peace for our time”, for which humanity paid with the hecatomb of the Second World War.

  5. The bankruptcy of 20 years of “appeasement” and Western naivety

    For two decades, European capitals (led by Berlin under Angela Merkel) succumbed to illusions of a “modern, pragmatic dictator”, pumping hundreds of billions of euros into Putin's regime for energy resources, money that was used to build war machines.

    The only answer to imperialism can be real strength, pre-emptive sanctions cutting off capital and the projection of military power on the flanks. Sikorski, a politician of pan-European stature, is at last breaking the taboo that has paralysed offices in Brussels and Washington.

ARTICLE II: Poland on the Firing Line. The State of Hybrid War, Sabotage Near Garwolin and the Awakening of Civic Awareness

Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski

  1. The formal entry into a state of asymmetric war with the Russian Federation

    Prosecutor Włodzimierz Blajerski's analysis leaves no illusions: Poland is not in a phase of theoretical diplomatic crisis but in a state of actual, asymmetric war with Russia. The Kremlin's shift from influence operations and disinformation propaganda to kinetic acts of state terror on the territory of the Republic constitutes the crossing of a red line of national security.

  2. The precedent of the terrorist attack near Garwolin

    The dramatic events of November last year were recalled – the foiled attempt to derail and destroy a train near Garwolin, planned by sabotage networks linked to the Russian services, which could have led to the deaths of dozens of Polish citizens. The decision by a hostile intelligence apparatus to organise a mass attack on the Polish railways meant that Moscow considered Polish society to be broken, atomised and devoid of the will to retaliate firmly.

    The operational successes of the Internal Security Agency (ABW) and the police in breaking up agent networks recruited via online platforms in exchange for cryptocurrency confirm the need to treat saboteurs with the full severity of wartime law.

  3. A breakthrough in public sentiment: the collapse of pro-Russian disinformation

    As recently as 2023, Russian propaganda – drip-fed by extremist circles and pro-Russian bots – was effectively softening public opinion, building reluctance to support the attacked Ukraine and paralysing geopolitical thinking.

    The latest opinion polls from September 2026 show a revolutionary change: as many as 78% of Poles state unequivocally that the Polish Armed Forces should immediately come to the armed relief of the Baltic states (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia) should they fall victim to aggression by the Russian Federation. Attempts by agents of influence on social media to break regional solidarity have fizzled out – the nation has sobered up and is mounting a mass rebuttal of the Kremlin's narrative.

  4. Arrests in political circles and the impunity of agents of influence

    Groundbreaking strikes by Polish counter-intelligence were highlighted: the recent detention of three direct agents of the Russian intelligence apparatus, including people recruited from the circles of former deputy ministers of the United Right camp and associates of extremist anti-state groupings (the circle of Grzegorz Braun).

    The scandalous leniency of part of the justice system: Prosecutor Blajerski criticised the decision of an appellate court which drastically reduced the sentence of the leader of militant formations (the so-called “side-cap man” who called for the murder of political opponents). The ordinary courts remain stuck in the archaic, naive complacency of the 1990s, treating dangerous saboteurs as isolated criminal cases and ignoring their role in an organised hybrid-war machine financed by Moscow.

  5. The need for a new judicial philosophy – state security as the highest good

    Judges must take off their doctrinal blinkers: the degree of social harm of an act rises exponentially when a war is being waged just across the border. High treason, espionage, acts of sabotage and incitement to ethnic violence must meet with the maximum penalty provided for in the Criminal Code. The absence of severe sentences emboldens foreign services to recruit further collaborators.

ARTICLE III: The Ineptitude of Power and Political Chutzpah. The Anatomy of Dismantling Ziobro's “Feeding Trough” at the Academy of Justice

Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski

  1. A systemic pathology: from a modest unit to a 100-million empire of Sovereign Poland

    The case of the former Academy of Justice (previously the Higher School of Justice) is a textbook example of the colonisation of public institutions by Zbigniew Ziobro's clique. A small, specialised prison-service institution was turned into a supposed “academy” which, while educating only a handful of students (around 30 per year), had a gigantic budget exceeding 100 million zloty a year.

    Luxury holiday resorts and spas of the Prison Service (including in Zakopane and on the Baltic coast) were transferred to the institution, creating an exclusive feeding trough of jobs and grants for party apparatchiks thrown out of other offices.

  2. The grotesque “hunger strike” and the destruction of the authority of a parliamentarian

    Attempts by PiS and Sovereign Poland politicians to defend the institution took the form of a humiliating farce, dubbed in the studio a “psychiatric strike”. MPs camping out in the rector's offices (including MP Maria Kurowska), carrying in bags of exclusive cheeses, cold meats and wine for a supposed hunger strike, made a mockery of parliamentary immunity and of the majesty of the Republic.

    These actions had nothing to do with defending academic autonomy – they were an organised operation to sow anarchy in the state, carried out exactly according to Eastern scenarios of chaos.

  3. The staggering impotence of the government apparatus: the case of the “little cherub in ermine”

    Prosecutor Blajerski's sharpest criticism was directed at the current leadership of the Ministry of Justice (Ministers Adam Bodnar and Waldemar Żurek). Dismissing the usurper rector (Dr Michał Sopiński, referred to in the debate as the “page boy in ermine” or “Ziobro's Dandy”) took the new government almost two years, even though the decision should have been taken within 24 to 48 hours of taking power.

    The Polish state displayed extreme ineptitude: for weeks the dismissed official mocked the law enforcement authorities, hiding in hotel rooms and avoiding the service of correspondence, while the police and bailiffs threw up their hands.

  4. How a professional prosecution service should nip rowdiness in the bud

    Prosecutor Blajerski presented a firm protocol from the time when he headed the prosecution service: a special courier is sent with an order to be executed within one day on pain of disciplinary dismissal. The intrusion of parliamentarians and the occupation of public offices meets the definition of the offence of violating the sanctity of the home (Article 193 of the Criminal Code) and of using violence to force officers to refrain from lawful acts (Article 224 of the Criminal Code).

    The troublemakers should have been detained in the act, brought before the Marshal of the Sejm, criminal proceedings launched immediately, and the lifting of their immunity demanded within 48 hours at the next plenary sitting.

  5. The consequences of impunity: the erosion of citizens' trust in the strength of the state

    The government's tolerance of circus spectacles, of people running around public squares with replica weapons and of the unlawful blockading of offices sends a catastrophic signal to the world: Poland is a cardboard country. If a state governed by the rule of law cannot enforce the law against a single party appointee, how does it intend to stand up to organised economic crime, VAT mafias or saboteurs from the East? The authorities must immediately demonstrate the severity and inevitability of the law.

ARTICLE IV: Three Hundred Points to Paralysis. Why the Plan to Separate the Prosecutor General from the Government Is a Return to the Model of the Polish People's Republic

Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski

  1. The ministerial commission's draft – 300 articles of bureaucratic flight from responsibility

    The draft law reforming the prosecution service now being pushed through at the Ministry of Justice, running to more than 300 points, was demolished by Prosecutor Blajerski on both substantive and constitutional grounds. It is a waste of energy, time and investigative resources – instead of focusing the apparatus on prosecuting major politico-economic scandals, hundreds of prosecutors are being dragged into months of sterile legislative debate over a collection of dead provisions.

    Genuine reform does not require 300 articles – Prosecutor Blajerski's own draft from years ago fitted on seven concise pages, precisely defining the system, procedural guarantees and the independence of front-line prosecutors.

  2. The mythical “separation of functions” and the reactivation of the communist model of power

    The idea of detaching the Prosecutor General from the Council of Ministers and subordinating the office to the Sejm is in essence a return to the Stalinist conception of the prosecution service in the Polish People's Republic as a separate, all-powerful branch answerable only to a façade parliament. Building such a model – together with Marian Banaś's proposals regarding the Supreme Audit Office (NIK) as a “fourth power” – will lead to the break-up of Montesquieu's separation of powers and the creation of a state with five warring pillars.

    The experience of 2010–2015, during Andrzej Seremet's term of office, proves the utter failure of this solution: a powerless prosecution service isolated from the government did not hold to account a single scandal of the first PiS government, which led to impunity and to Ziobro's return to power.

  3. The government is responsible for security – it must have an instrument of criminal policy

    The Constitution of the Republic of Poland imposes on the Council of Ministers the duty to ensure the internal and external security of the state. Stripping the Prime Minister of influence over criminal policy deprives him of an elementary tool for fulfilling that responsibility.

    The model of democratic states (Germany): In Germany, the Federal Prosecutor General is an official subordinate to the Minister of Justice and implements the government's line on protecting the legal order. If the minister attempts to interfere unlawfully in a specific investigation, he faces immediate disciplinary and criminal liability, but the strategic line of prosecution remains in the hands of the government.

    A court by its very nature assesses only the isolated, individual case files lying on its desk. Only the government – which has data from intelligence, counter-intelligence, the Ministry of the Interior and Administration and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs – sees the full picture of hybrid, espionage and sabotage threats. A prosecutor in the courtroom must be the voice of the state demanding severe penalties commensurate with the threat to the nation's existence, not a passive observer.

  4. The fiction of “independence” – a prosecutor at the beck and call of Sejm cliques and cabals

    A Prosecutor General elected by the Sejm will by no means become independent – he will become a direct hostage of the parliamentary majority and the leaders of party cliques. In such a model, the Prime Minister washes his hands and bears no constitutional responsibility, nor any before the State Tribunal, for the prosecution service's failures to act, while party bosses behind the scenes extort a protective umbrella over their own scandals and corruption.

  5. The real pillars of reform: fixed terms for heads, budgetary autonomy and a whip against nepotism

    The evil lies not in the personal union of the Minister of Justice and the Prosecutor General, but in the lack of statutory guarantees for the prosecutors conducting investigations:

    • The need for fixed terms and irremovability of unit heads: The head of a district or regional prosecutor's office must be guaranteed a fixed term, so that no minister can dismiss him for refusing to carry out a party instruction.

    • A separate budget and an end to discretion: The prosecution service's finances must be rigidly linked to macroeconomic indicators, taking away the minister's right to punish disobedient units by cutting posts or funds.

    • A ban on political cabals: A prosecutor who seeks promotion in the offices of party politicians should lose the right to practise the profession by operation of law. A career must depend solely on the results of investigations and the assessment of prosecutors' assemblies.

ARTICLE V: A Breakthrough in the ZondaCrypto Investigation. The Testimony of Przemysław Kral, the Crown Witness Institution and the Inevitable Extradition of Zbigniew Ziobro

Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski

  1. Regaining public trust through firm accountability – Adam Bodnar's mistake

    The spectacular rise in the ruling party's poll ratings and the return of hope for justice are the direct result of the breakthrough in the investigations conducted by the reformed Regional Prosecutor's Office in Katowice under the leadership of Prosecutor Marek Wełna. The harmful doctrine of former minister Adam Bodnar has been refuted – for a year he kept telling Prime Minister Donald Tusk that “accountability has no impact on support for the government” and that proceedings must take 8 years. This inaction led to a political collapse and very nearly cost the coalition its hold on power.

  2. The role of Przemysław Kral and the anatomy of the crown witness institution

    The confusion surrounding the statements of Minister Waldemar Żurek was clarified: at the present stage Kral is not giving testimony as a witness, but explanations as a suspect, subject to meticulous operational verification.

    The Crown Witness Act (co-authored in the 1990s by Prosecutor Blajerski) provides for a three-stage test:

    • Has the suspect disclosed evidence and criminal assets unknown to the law enforcement authorities?

    • Is his account 100% consistent, logical and credible?

    • Does the importance of breaking up the politico-mafia network outweigh the interest in punishing the perpetrator himself?

      Kral was not a murderer, did not lead an armed association and did not set up a mafia syndicate – he was a tool subjected to blackmail and extortion of protection money by the PiS state apparatus, which opens the way to granting him full crown witness status (or that of a “small crown witness” under Article 60 of the Criminal Code). At the moment of the court's decision, a conversion takes place by operation of law: his existing explanations become fully valid witness testimony.

  3. The Katowice school of prosecution and cooperation with attorney Roman Giertych

    Prosecutor Żurek's transfer of the legendary Kraków prosecutor Marek Wełna (the scourge of the fuel mafia) to Katowice, and his harmonious cooperation with the team of attorney Roman Giertych, unlocked the investigative potential. The Silesian prosecution service has been renowned since the 1990s for the highest substantive professionalism – Ziobro's apparatus managed to corrupt with promotions only a narrow circle of managers, while front-line prosecutors set about dismantling the structures of the shadow economy with relief.

  4. A virtual foundation and a 500,000-zloty bribe for Zbigniew Ziobro

    The evidence gathered in the ZondaCrypto investigation is staggering in the simplicity of the corruption mechanism: half a million zloty transferred by Kral went to a foundation with only a virtual address in Warsaw, with no staff and no real statutory activity. The sole operation of this façade structure was to immediately “lend” these funds to Zbigniew Ziobro, which in criminal law constitutes a classic operation of money laundering and concealment of a financial benefit (Articles 228 and 299 of the Criminal Code).

  5. The inevitability of Zbigniew Ziobro's extradition – no asylum in the Western world

    Prosecutor Blajerski made a categorical procedural forecast: Zbigniew Ziobro will be handed over to Poland and will stand trial. As long as the former minister cast himself as a victim of “political repression”, he could count on the behind-the-scenes goodwill of right-wing circles abroad (including the entourages of Donald Trump and Viktor Orbán).

    In the face of hard, irrefutable bank documents proving the taking of a half-million bribe from a cryptocurrency exchange, no democratic justice system will risk refusing to extradite a common criminal. International ostracism will force every government to execute the European Arrest Warrant or the extradition request.

  6. An investigation still unfolding – panic in the United Right camp

    ZondaCrypto is not just Ziobro – it is a gigantic channel for laundering Russian capital and financing election campaigns. The reaction of the PiS camp – hysterical shouting, attempts to shift the blame onto Donald Tusk and total media paralysis – testifies to panic-stricken fear. The prosecution service holds material covering further front-page names, and the arrests of more MPs and party barons before the 2027 elections are merely a matter of time.

30 ALGOOMNI

FUNDAMENTAL CONDITIONS FOR THE RULE OF LAW, DEMOCRACY, EQUALITY BEFORE THE LAW AND CIVIC SOVEREIGNTY

(Open civic forum: updated weekly with new points added. Send your proposals to: biuro@algoomni.com or via the portal http://algoomni.com)

  1. THE SANCTITY OF EVERY VOTE: Every vote cast is the supreme, direct and inviolable mandate of the sovereign in the state. No digital algorithm, no politicised electoral commission and no backroom party arrangement has the right to annul, falsify, distort or ignore the will of the citizens. Transparency, physical verifiability and public scrutiny of the electoral process at every stage are the inviolable foundation of the Republic's existence.

  2. RECOUNT OF VOTES AND INSPECTION OF THE 2025 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION: The absolute necessity of a comprehensive, commission-led inspection and a fresh, 100% open and publicly broadcast recount of all ballot papers from the 2025 presidential election. Assuming the Office of the President of the Republic of Poland under the shadow of procedural machinations, with the oversight bodies paralysed and the authorities of the day appallingly passive, constituted a violation of the constitutional order that requires the material truth to be fully established.

  3. HOLDING PIS TO ACCOUNT – AN UNCOMPROMISING “ZERO OPTION”: Full, uncompromising criminal, constitutional and financial liability for the systemic destruction of the legal order, the dismantling of the separation of powers and the unlawful transfers of public funds during the years of PiS rule. A rejection of any rotten compromises, political deals or lenient treatment – every scandal, embezzlement and act of lawlessness must be adjudicated right down to the very bottom.

  4. HOLDING THE CURRENT GOVERNMENT TO ACCOUNT FOR ITS FAILURES TO ACT AND THE LACK OF ACCOUNTABILITY: A government that received a democratic mandate to restore the rule of law, yet in the name of conformism, political calculation and a quiet life chose procrastination and the sin of omission, must bear unequivocal political responsibility. The absence of firm accountability will take its revenge at the ballot box and open the way to a constitutional relapse of anti-democratic forces.

  5. COMPLETE ABOLITION OF IMMUNITIES: The definitive abolition of parliamentary, judicial, prosecutorial and official immunities. All citizens without exception must be 100% equal before the law and answer before the same ordinary courts. The institution of immunity has been utterly perverted, becoming a pathological shield protecting corruption, common crimes, abuses of power and the impunity of the elites.

  6. A MANDATORY TWO-TERM LIMIT IN ALL BODIES: The introduction of a hard limit of a maximum of two terms (counted over a lifetime) for MPs, senators, city mayors, town mayors, village heads and the heads of state agencies and central offices. An end to a professional caste of politicians welded to their seats for decades and to the creation of entrenched bureaucratic clans feeding on citizens' assets.

  7. MANDATORY TOXICOLOGY TESTS FOR THOSE IN THE HIGHEST OFFICES: Mandatory, independent and random laboratory tests (blood, urine, hair) carried out every 3 months for the President of the Republic, the Prime Minister, ministers, deputy ministers, MPs, senators and heads of state institutions. Refusal to undergo testing or a positive result leads to immediate and automatic dismissal from office. Those who decide on the security and fate of the nation must be fully of sound mind, responsible and free of chemical dependencies.

  8. A CITIZENS' CONSTITUTION WITH FIXED DEADLINES: The new Basic Law must be written directly by citizens and independent experts, not by politicians and law firms concerned with their own impunity. The absolute elimination of discretionary, elastic wording such as “without delay” or “within a reasonable time” and its replacement with precise calendar days, on pain of automatic loss of office by any official or judge who exceeds them.

  9. STRICT ORDER OF RECEIPT IN COURTS AND OFFICES: A statutory, absolute requirement to process and examine cases according to the exact date, minute and hour of their receipt by courts, prosecutors' offices and public administration offices. A final end to “freezers” for cases inconvenient to those in power, political favouritism in court lists, the selection of cases at the behest of vested interests and the deliberate protraction of proceedings until they become time-barred.

  10. FULL DISCLOSURE OF THE LIST OF THOSE ILLEGALLY SURVEILLED WITH DIGITAL SYSTEMS: Immediate publication of a full, open and complete register of all persons surveilled with cyberweapons (Pegasus, Hermes, Predator, Feng and similar). The public and public figures have an inalienable right to know who was wiretapped, blackmailed, manipulated and operationally destroyed while strategic state and economic decisions were being taken.

  11. FULL CRIMINAL, CIVIL AND FINANCIAL LIABILITY OF OFFICIALS, JUDGES AND PROSECUTORS: The introduction of full, personal criminal, civil and financial liability (with all present and future private assets) for the president, prime ministers, ministers, MPs, senators, village heads, mayors, councillors and state officials, and, without exception, for judges and prosecutors, for knowingly violating the Constitution, corruption, fabricating evidence, issuing unlawful decisions and judgments, gross omissions and errors causing losses to the State Treasury or harm to citizens. An end to hiding with impunity behind the judicial robe, immunity or the official stamp – for lawlessness and damage, those in power, judges and prosecutors must pay out of their own pockets and answer criminally like any other citizen.

  12. A TOTAL BAN ON HOLDING MULTIPLE OFFICES AND ON SITTING IN STATE TREASURY COMPANIES: A radical, absolute ban on sitting on the management boards, supervisory boards and advisory bodies of State Treasury companies, municipal companies and government agencies for ministers, deputy ministers, senior state and local government officials, MPs, senators, village heads, town mayors, city mayors and councillors (with a 5-year cooling-off period after leaving office). A final end to the pathology of party cronyism, nepotism and the milking of state assets by political appointees.

  13. AN ABSOLUTE BAN ON SWITCHING PARLIAMENTARY CLUBS AND COUNCIL GROUPS (A BAN ON POLITICAL TOURISM): The mandate of an MP, senator or councillor is bound to the will of the voters as expressed on the electoral committee's list. Leaving a club, defecting to another party or political trading in mandates results in the automatic expiry of the mandate and its transfer to the next person on the electoral list. An end to the trading of citizens' votes in parliament and local government.

  14. MANDATORY ATTENDANCE AT VOTES AND SITTINGS ON PAIN OF LOSING ONE'S MANDATE: The work of a parliamentarian or councillor is a firm official duty towards the sovereign. Unexcused absence from sittings of the Sejm, the Senate, committees or key votes exceeding 10% in any quarter results in automatic loss of the mandate by operation of law, with no right to severance pay or a parliamentary pension.

  15. FULL TRANSPARENCY OF SPENDING: ALLOWANCES, MILEAGE AND OFFICES SETTLED EXCLUSIVELY BY PAYMENT CARD: A total ban on cash, lump-sum and advance settlements in parliamentary and local government activity. All office expenses, expert opinions, hotels, business travel and mileage must be paid exclusively with a personal official card linked to a public online register of expenditure accessible to every citizen in real time. Every attempt to fraudulently claim mileage means an immediate referral to the prosecutor.

  16. AN END TO “SACRED COWS”: THE SAME LAW FOR POLITICIANS, JUDGES, PROSECUTORS, THE SERVICES AND JOURNALISTS: Equal law for all, without caste privileges. The abolition of separate procedures, immunities, secret disciplinary courts and networks protecting politicians, prosecutors, judges, special service officers and the journalists linked to them. Every crime, act of obstruction, fabrication of operational material or paid media protection will be tried in open proceedings before a jury.

  17. SYSTEMIC PROTECTION AND STRICT COUNTER-INTELLIGENCE SUPERVISION OF FORMER SPECIAL SERVICES OFFICERS: Special services officers (AW, ABW, SKW, SWW, CBA) with knowledge of state secrets cannot be abandoned on the open market as easy prey for foreign intelligence services and criminal groups. The introduction of a 10-year ban on working for foreign entities and in sensitive sectors (cryptocurrencies, finance, gambling), combined with fair state remuneration for analytical work and permanent counter-intelligence protection.

  18. TOTAL TRANSPARENCY AND A BLOCK ON INFILTRATION OF THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS: Every draft law, regulation and amendment must have a public, digital register of its authors by first name and surname, together with a lobbying trail. An absolute ban on laws being written by outside law firms and lobbyists linked to foreign capital. Any attempt to block anti-corruption and anti-money-laundering provisions to be treated as diplomatic treason.

  19. SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE AND AN END TO BUDGET FUNDING OF RELIGIOUS STRUCTURES: The immediate abolition of the Church Fund, taxation of the income of religious associations on general terms and an absolute ban on transferring State Treasury and local government property for next to nothing. Religious associations may be financed solely from voluntary tax allocations by the faithful (a voluntary church tax).

  20. A CITIZENS' VETO AND A BINDING REFERENDUM WITHOUT A TURNOUT THRESHOLD: Restoring real power to the sovereign: a motion backed by 500,000 citizens' signatures obliges the Sejm to call a nationwide referendum whose result is absolutely binding on the state authorities, with no turnout threshold permitted. The executive and legislative branches are prohibited from overriding the will of the nation expressed in a referendum.

  21. DIGITAL TRANSPARENCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY: ONLY REAL DATA IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE AND ON THE INTERNET: A requirement to verify identity and use real data when registering, logging in, publishing articles, running newspapers and operating social media and app accounts. An end to troll farms, bots, fake identities and organised disinformation – every participant in public debate and on digital platforms must bear full, personal legal responsibility for the content they publish.

  22. TOTAL TRANSPARENCY OF SERVICE: BODY CAMERAS FOR OFFICIALS AND UNIFORMED SERVICES: An absolute obligation to make audiovisual recordings of all official acts performed by state officials, customs officers, police officers and officers of all uniformed and special services, using permanently active body cameras. The recording constitutes hard evidence in disciplinary and criminal proceedings, eliminating violence, abuse of power, extortion and the fabrication of charges.

  23. DIRECT ELECTIONS AND THE POWER TO RECALL JUDGES, PROSECUTORS AND MINISTERS: The introduction of universal, direct citizens' elections and of a mechanism allowing the sovereign to recall judges, prosecutors, senior officials, ministers and the Prime Minister of the Republic. The definitive elimination of the political-party appointment key, nepotism and corrupt backroom promotions in favour of direct verification and a mandate of trust from citizens.

  24. COMPLETE DECLASSIFICATION OF THE ARCHIVES: OPENING THE FILES OF THE IPN AND THE SECURITY SERVICES OF COMMUNIST POLAND: The immediate, one-hundred-per-cent opening and full publication of all archival materials and personal and operational files of the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) and the communist special services (SB, WSW, the Second Directorate of the General Staff). The abolition of the so-called restricted collections, in order to definitively eliminate the possibility of blackmail, manipulation of the political scene, the building of intelligence-style “hooks” and the concealment of decision-makers' pasts.

  25. A PUBLIC LIST OF ILLEGAL SECRET COLLABORATORS IN PROFESSIONS OF PUBLIC TRUST: Mandatory publication of a complete register of persons in professions of public trust (judges, prosecutors, doctors, advocates, legal advisers, journalists) who were illegally recruited by, or entered into covert collaboration with, the special services, including the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA). Covert entanglement within the structures of the justice system, the media and healthcare is a direct threat to the rule of law and civil liberties.

  26. MODERN, DEFENCE-ORIENTED EDUCATION: REPLACING RELIGION WITH DEFENCE TRAINING, AI AND PROGRAMMING: The definitive withdrawal of religious instruction from state schools and its replacement with subjects of key civilisational and strategic importance: practical defence training and rescue skills, artificial intelligence (AI), advanced programming and modern computer science. Polish young people must acquire the skills of the future and hard skills for defending the country, not dogmatic indoctrination at the taxpayer's expense.

  27. CONSTITUTIONAL ELECTORAL AND ANTI-AUTHORITARIAN SAFEGUARDS: The implementation of firm, systemic control mechanisms and procedures that make any repeat of rigged elections impossible (including the 2025 presidential election) and eliminate the precedents of breaches of the law and the Constitution known from periods of authoritarian practices by centres of executive power (including the practices of the Andrzej Duda and Karol Nawrocki era). Any attempt to unlawfully manipulate the electoral process or stretch prerogatives must be met with an automatic, absolute blocking of the action and the immediate criminal prosecution of those responsible.

  28. TOTAL TRANSPARENCY OF PAY IN THE PUBLIC SECTOR, FOUNDATIONS AND ASSOCIATIONS: The introduction of absolute transparency of all salaries, bonuses, awards and allowances received by politicians, state and local government officials and members of the governing bodies of foundations and associations that use public funds or citizens' collections. A nationwide online register of pay, available in real time, will definitively eliminate hidden corruption, the siphoning-off of money and the creation of parasitic political troughs.

  29. ASSET DECLARATIONS WITHOUT EXCEPTIONS – 100% PUBLIC AND COMPLETED ELECTRONICALLY: The complete abolition of confidentiality clauses and exemptions from disclosure in the asset declarations of persons holding public office (including judges, prosecutors, parliamentarians and ministers). An absolute obligation to complete declarations only in a standardised electronic format (an end to deliberately illegible handwritten scrawl), together with a precise market valuation of real estate, cryptocurrencies, company shares and assets transferred to spouses and relatives.

  30. COMPLETE ANNULMENT OF THE DECISIONS OF MATEUSZ MORAWIECKI'S TWO-WEEK GOVERNMENT OF 2023: Statutory recognition as null and void by operation of law (ex tunc) of all financial and personnel decisions, resolutions, appointments, grants and asset transfers made by the so-called two-week government of Mateusz Morawiecki appointed in November 2023. The sham cabinet, lacking a parliamentary majority, served solely to entrench party sinecures, push through multi-million grants to foundations linked to the outgoing government and siphon off public funds – all these acts must be cancelled immediately and the funds recovered.

Editorial notice (impressum) · Gazeta Logomarka

Publisher
ALGOOMNI P.S.A.
Registration data
KRS 0001187628 · NIP 7011272266 · REGON 542417810
Publisher address
ul. Hoża 86/410, 00-682 Warszawa
Editor-in-chief
Mieczysław Dzikowski
Editorial office address
ul. Hoża 86/410, 00-682 Warszawa
Press register (RPR)
21744
Contact
biuro@logomarka.pl · +48 515 269 955

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THE ANATOMY OF ACCOUNTABILITY, HYBRID WARFARE AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PROSECUTION SERVICE. THE REPORT OF PROSECUTOR WŁODZIMIERZ BLAJERSKI · ALGOOMNI