Gazeta Logomarka

SCUFFLE IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL TRIBUNAL, NAWROCKI AT THE HEAD OF A COUP, ARREST APPLICATIONS FOR OBAJTEK

Automatically translated from Polish.

SCUFFLE IN THE TRIBUNAL, NAWROCKI AT THE HEAD OF A COUP, ARREST MOTIONS FOR OBAJTEK

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF'S COMMENT OF THE DAY SCUFFLE IN THE TRIBUNAL, NAWROCKI AT THE HEAD OF A COUP, ARREST MOTIONS FOR OBAJTEK AND THE ALGOOMNI CONSTITUTION OF 50 PILLARS Date of publication: 16.10.2026 | Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski - Editor-in-Chief Gazeta Logomarka

Dear Readers of Gazeta Logomarka,

Friday, 16 October 2026, will be recorded in the annals of contemporary Polish history as the day of the final clash of the rule of law with the criminal anarchy of the former ruling camp. Exactly on the third anniversary of the memorable parliamentary elections of 15 October 2023, in the building of the Constitutional Tribunal on Aleja Szucha in Warsaw scenes took place that exposed the complete degeneration of the people of Jarosław Kaczyński and Zbigniew Ziobro. After the judge Maciej Berek, lawfully elected by the Sejm, took the solemn oath in the Marshal of the Sejm’s office before the president — who cowardly shirked his constitutional duty under the pretext of meetings with the president of Montenegro — the lawful judges entered the seat of the constitutional court. There they were confronted by Bogdan Święczkowski, behaving like a bouncer in a night club. The usurper personally grabbed, pushed away and blocked with his own body Judge Berek’s entry to the office area, committing an outright violation of the bodily inviolability of a public official, and in interviews he ranted like Baron Münchhausen that if the police caught him in the act, he as “president” would order his own release from custody!

At the same time, in front of the gates of the Constitutional Tribunal, the militias of Robert Bąkiewicz staged a provocation aimed at officers of the Polish Police, and Karol Nawrocki personally arrived on Aleja Szucha in the afternoon, standing at the head of an anti-state coup in defence of the impunity of the PiS mafia. As counsel Roman Giertych aptly pointed out, all this resistance stems from a panic fear of the sovereign people regaining control of the Constitutional Tribunal and the Supreme Court, which will inevitably lead to the verification of the falsified 2025 presidential election and to proving that the National Assembly never voted on the protocol of accepting Nawrocki’s oath. The noose of justice is also tightening around the economic plunderers: Attorney General Waldemar Żurek has sent to the hands of the President of the European Parliament Roberta Metsola a request to lift immunity, detain and provisionally arrest Daniel Obajtek for having inflicted on Orlen a gigantic loss exceeding 4.1 billion zloty by manually lowering fuel prices two weeks before the 2023 elections and by emptying the state’s strategic reserves, for which he faces 5 to 25 years of straight imprisonment.

The response of free citizens to this systemic rebellion of criminals in robes and suits is the full enforcement of the law. In today’s 35th edition of Gazeta Logomarka we present 8 exhaustive investigative articles (each rigorously exceeding 20 full sentences) and the complete, fully developed 50-point constitutional document: KONSTYTUCJĘ ALGOOMNI (THE ALGOOMNI CONSTITUTION) – 50 PILLARS OF THE RULE OF LAW, CITIZEN SOVEREIGNTY AND THE ELIMINATION OF THE IMPUNITY OF POWER. The Polish state must belong to the Nation, and every saboteur and thief of public money must end up behind bars!

CONTENTS OF ISSUE 35/2026:

ARTICLE I: Baron Münchhausen of Aleja Szucha. Bogdan Święczkowski Claims He Will Release Himself from Custody

ARTICLE II: Scuffle in the Tribunal and Bąkiewicz’s Barriers. Święczkowski, Like a Night-Club Bouncer, Blocks Judge Berek

ARTICLE III: Nawrocki at the Head of a Coup and a Provocation at the Gates of the Constitutional Tribunal. A Desperate Fight for the Impunity of PiS Thieves

ARTICLE IV: Daniel Obajtek Is to Go Behind Bars in Detention! 4.1 Billion Zloty Loss at Orlen and the Threat of 25 Years in Prison

ARTICLE V: Giertych to Nawrocki: "You Are Not President!". No Voted Protocol of the National Assembly and Trump Blackmail

ARTICLE VI: A State on the Edge and Blackmail with Pegasus Hacking Files. Prof. Jacek Izydorczyk on the Duties of the Executive

ARTICLE VII: Panic and Fear of Prison in the Ranks of PiS. Wąsik and Kaczyński on the Barricades, and Mazurek Picking Apart Bogucki

ARTICLE VIII: Unblocking the Tribunal, the Role of the Police and the Case of Kołodziejczak. Operational Analysis by Tomasz Szwejgiert

================================================================================ ARTICLE I: BARON MÜNCHHAUSEN OF ALEJA SZUCHA. BOGDAN ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI CLAIMS HE WILL RELEASE HIMSELF FROM CUSTODY Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski (based on analysis by editor Jan Piński and Tomasz Szwejgiert from "Kulisów Polityki")

Bogdan Święczkowski’s media statements after the lawful judges entered the building of the Constitutional Tribunal exceeded all bounds of legal absurdity and indicate the extreme panic of a man besieged by the justice system. As disclosed on the programme „Kulisy Polityki” by editors Jan Piński and Tomasz Szwejgiert, the self-styled president of the Constitutional Tribunal stated in a conversation with a journalist that if the Police detained him in the act of committing a crime he would himself order his immediate release. Święczkowski invoked a provision that an arrest of a Constitutional Tribunal judge is to be notified to the president of the Constitutional Tribunal, who may order his immediate release. In the sick imagination of former National Prosecutor Zbigniew Ziobro the Police officers were to handcuff him, then inform him as “president” that he had just been detained, after which he himself would issue a binding order to free himself. Jan Piński mercilessly picked apart this embarrassing lack of elementary legal knowledge, recalling the Roman principle hammered into first‑year law students: nemo iudex in causa sua – no one can be a judge in their own case. What is more, this is expressly regulated by Article 23(3) of the Act on the Status of Judges of the Constitutional Tribunal, which unequivocally provides that a judge who is the subject of proceedings regarding criminal responsibility or detention is absolutely excluded from participating in any decisions in that matter. Tomasz Szwejgiert aptly compared Święczkowski to the literary figure Baron Münchhausen, who claimed he had pulled himself and his horse out of a deep bog by his own hair. This absurd megalomania stems from the fact that during eight years of United Right rule Święczkowski and Ziobro treated Polish law as a private manor, where any of their unlawful whims became an order. Today, however, the bog in which Święczkowski is mired is entirely real and encompasses not only the removal of copies of Pegasus materials covered by attorney‑client privilege of advocate Roman Giertych, but above all running an organized criminal group illegally wiretapping thousands of citizens. Investigative journalists reminded that under Święczkowski’s supervision and that of former heads of the Central Anti‑Corruption Bureau (CBA) prosecutors were systematically recruited as personal sources of information to keep control over investigations even after losing power. An example of such a mechanism was the revealed case of prosecutor Cezary Maj in Lublin, kept on a leash by the former services in exchange for impunity. Currently the list of recruited and blackmailed justice and media officials numbers about a hundred people who paralyze accountability. Editor Bartosz Węglarczyk was among the first mainstream journalists to officially confirm that he was surveilled with Pegasus, which opens the dam of truth that Minister Tomasz Siemoniak is trying to block. As Piński and Szwejgiert pointed out, Siemoniak’s resistance to revealing the full list of Pegasus victims stems from the fact that his wife was also surveilled, and the coordinator himself fears blackmail by the former services. Publishing the full register of victimized journalists, politicians and entrepreneurs will definitively sweep Law and Justice off the public stage and turn political debate into a question of prison sentences.

ARTICLE II: SCUFFLE IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL TRIBUNAL AND BĄKIEWICZ’S BARRICADES. ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI LIKE A NIGHTCLUB BOUNCER BLOCKS JUDGE BEREK Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski (based on findings by Jacek Podgórski and Andrzej Rozenek from „Lot nad kaczym gniazdem”)

The events of Wednesday 14 October and Thursday 15 October 2026 in Warsaw played out like a three‑act constitutional drama in which the rule of law physically confronted the occupiers of the Constitutional Tribunal for the first time.As recounted on the broadcast „Lot nad kaczym gniazdem” by Jacek Podgórski and Andrzej Rozenek, Act One began in the morning in the office of the Marshal of the Sejm, where the judge elected by parliament Maciej Berek took the solemn judicial oath in the presence of Marshal Włodzimierz Czarzasty and Marshal of the Senate Małgorzata Kidawa‑Błońska. Karol Nawrocki was officially invited to receive the oath but demonstratively ignored his constitutional duty, later offering the bizarre excuse that at the same time he had to receive the President of Montenegro. The President of the National Bar Council and judge of the State Tribunal, attorney Przemysław Rosati, clearly stated that pursuant to Article 194 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland one becomes a judge at the moment of election by the Sejm, and a ruling of the Tribunal from December 2015 determined that the oath is purely ceremonial and cannot be used to block a judge. The spokesman of the National Council of the Judiciary (KRS) also confirmed that the term of Judge Berek runs from 16 September, and preventing him from adjudicating is a manifest crime, which fully accords with the latest opinion of the Venice Commission and the earlier parliamentary statements of Stanisław Piotrowicz himself. The second act played out in front of the main gate of the Tribunal at aleja Szucha, where thugs of Robert Bąkiewicz from the so‑called Border Defence Movement illegally blocked the entrance with metal barriers, supported by PiS MPs led by Antoni Macierewicz and Mariusz Gosek. Police officers in a fully professional and calm manner cleared the entrance for judges’ cars, while Tomasz Sakiewicz’s television hysterically screamed on its crawlers about an alleged “Tusk police assault,” and Jarosław Kaczyński called Polish policemen and state representatives a “barbaric rabble.” The third act moved into the corridors inside the Constitutional Tribunal (TK) building, where Judge Maciej Berek entered in the company of the other legally elected judges and officers of the State Protection Service (SOP) assigned to them by decision of the Minister of the Interior and Administration (MSWiA) Marcin Kierwiński. Bogdan Święczkowski first wagged his finger at the SOP officers and judges, saying he was letting them in only “conditionally,” and when, after the handing over of documents, the judges headed towards their offices, an unprecedented scuffle broke out. When Judge Berek crossed the threshold of the judges’ chambers area, Święczkowski ran out of his office, began physically yanking and pushing him, and blocked the door with his own belly like a bouncer in a low‑class nightclub. Beside the usurper hovered his new security adviser Andrzej Stróżny, a former head of the Central Anti‑Corruption Bureau (CBA) with serious prosecutorial charges for embezzling operative apartments. Judge Maciej Berek filed an official report alleging that Święczkowski committed the crime of violating the bodily integrity of a public official, and the other judges lodged reports against the clerks of the Constitutional Tribunal (TK) Chancellery for unlawfully locking offices and hiding files. At the same time, inspectors from the State Labour Inspectorate entered the building at aleja Szucha, and Prime Minister Donald Tusk announced in a special statement that the Polish state will mercilessly and without backing down enforce the constitutional order.

================================================================================ ARTICLE III: NAWROCKI LEADS A PUTSCH AND THE PROVOCATION AT THE TRIBUNAL GATE. A DESPERATE FIGHT FOR THE IMPUNITY OF PiS THIEVES Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski (based on intelligence analysis by Major Robert Cheda, retired, and editor Jan Piński)

The visit of Karol Nawrocki to the Constitutional Tribunal building on the afternoon of 14 October 2026 and his secret meeting with Bogdan Święczkowski constitute an open renunciation of obedience to the Constitution of the Republic and a move toward carrying out a creeping coup scenario. As assessed on a special programme by editor Jan Piński and retired intelligence major Robert Cheda, we are currently facing the most serious institutional crisis in the history of the Third Republic, second only to the falsification of the presidential election in 2025.Nawrocki could not find a few minutes in the morning to perform his constitutional duty and administer the oath to Judge Maciej Berek, but after 4 p.m. he personally made his way to aleja Szucha to give political support to the usurper Święczkowski. After that meeting Święczkowski revealed that he had discussed with Nawrocki “various scenarios” for defending the Tribunal against an alleged coup by the legal government of Donald Tusk. Major Robert Cheda warned that under the guise of these scenarios lies a plan to provoke violent street riots and cause bloodshed using stadium thugs and the militias of Robert Bąkiewicz. This is evidenced by the precisely planned provocation that took place during the scuffles at the gate of the Constitutional Tribunal, where manipulated pensioners were placed in the front row as human shields, while aggressive provocateurs operated behind them. At the climax one participant of the assembly began spreading a false shout that an officer’s service weapon had been pulled from his holster. As experts explained, in police procedures the loss of a weapon by an officer in a crowd triggers the immediate deployment of compact units with maximum physical force to recover the pistol, which would inevitably lead to trampling of the elderly standing at the front. At the same time inside the building Święczkowski deliberately yanked and pushed Judge Maciej Berek, counting on him losing his nerve and striking back, which would allow the usurper to run out before the cameras of Telewizja Republika screaming about the beating of the Tribunal president. Both provocations failed solely thanks to the iron discipline of Judge Berek and the cool heads of selected Police commanders who did not allow themselves to be drawn into Kaczyński’s and Bąkiewicz’s bloody trap. Jan Piński and Major Cheda indicated that this extreme desperation of the PiS camp stems from the fact that the loss of the Constitutional Tribunal means the immediate annulment of the law blocking changes in the National Prosecutor's Office (Prokuratura Krajowa) and the recovery of the Supreme Court.In the same interview for Rzeczpospolita in which Nawrocki openly invited Grzegorz Braun’s pro‑Russian formation to a Senate pact, the occupant of the Presidential Palace declared that he “does not see a drastic change in the Russian threat,” directly following the directives of the Kremlin and a losing Donald Trump. Dangerously, Nawrocki kept General Wiesław Kukuła, PiS’s favourite, for a second term as Chief of the General Staff of the Polish Armed Forces, which together with attempts to provoke street chaos in a frontier state constitutes a direct threat to Poland’s national security.

================================================================================ ARTICLE IV: DANIEL OBAJTEK IS TO END UP BEHIND THE BARS OF A REMAND PRISON! 4.1 BILLION ZLOTY DAMAGE AT ORLEN AND THE THREAT OF 25 YEARS IN PRISON Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski (based on the investigative findings of editor Tomasz Wiejski from “Okiem Wiejskiego”)

The impunity of one of the most arrogant symbols of PiS’s plunder of national assets, former PKN Orlen CEO Daniel Obajtek, is coming to a definitive end. As reported by editor Tomasz Wiejski, Prosecutor General Waldemar Żurek submitted to the President of the European Parliament Roberta Metsola an unprecedented request to waive Obajtek’s MEP immunity together with consent for his detention, forcible bringing-in and the application of provisional detention. This is already the fourth immunity request against the former head of the fuel giant, but for the first time the prosecutor’s office reaches for the so-called full arrest package to prevent the suspect from obstructing the investigation and fleeing the country in the manner of Marcin Romanowski or Zbigniew Ziobro. Investigators accuse Obajtek of committing the gravest economic crimes under article 18 § 1 of the Penal Code (managerial perpetration) in connection with article 296 § 1 and 3 of the Penal Code (causing property damage on a massive scale) and article 306b § 2 of the Penal Code, for which an unconditional custodial sentence of from 5 to as much as 25 years in prison is possible. The case concerns the so‑called electoral miracle at the pumps, that is the manual reduction of retail and wholesale fuel prices to the level of 5.99 zloty per liter in the period from 1 to 15 October 2023, precisely in the last two weeks before the parliamentary elections. On political orders from Nowogrodzka Street, Daniel Obajtek instructed managers subordinate to him to sell petrol and diesel completely divorced from economic and market realities, in gross violation of the company’s internal procedures. The result of this criminal election campaign conducted with the company’s money was that PKN Orlen suffered gigantic property damage exceeding 4.1 billion zloty. Even more outrageous, the artificial creation of a buying panic led to mass stockpiling of fuel at stations, the posting of notes about “pump failures” and the unlawful tapping of the state’s strategic fuel reserves and the emptying of cavern storage intended for wartime. A breakthrough in the investigation occurred on 5 October 2026, when officers of the Internal Security Agency (ABW) detained five key former and current Orlen directors responsible for pricing policy. After being presented with hard criminal charges based on the testimony of 150 witnesses, analysis of e‑mail correspondence and expert opinions on fuel markets, the detained managers were not willing to go to prison for their former boss and began extensively cooperating with the prosecutor’s office, directly indicating Obajtek’s managerial perpetration. Tomasz Wiejski recalled that in addition to the four‑billion‑zloty fuel scandal and the 1.6 billion zloty lost by the company OTS Samera A., Obajtek already faces indictments for paying for private detective services from Orlen funds, giving false testimony in court and tax criminal offences involving concealing over 3 million zloty in tax declarations. Given the threat of 25 years in prison and the frantic transfer of assets into family foundations, placing Daniel Obajtek in pre‑trial detention becomes a matter of the coming weeks.

================================================================================ ARTICLE V: GIERTYCH TO NAWROCKI: "YOU ARE NOT THE PRESIDENT!" NO VOTED PROTOCOL OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY AND TRUMP BLACKMAIL Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski (based on the statement of lawyer Roman Giertych and the analysis of pastor Paweł Chojecki and editor Cezary Kłosowicz from IPP TV)

The brazen statement by Karol Nawrocki, who at a press conference declared that Maciej Berek “certainly is not a judge of the Constitutional Tribunal because he did not swear an oath before the president,” was met with a devastating legal riposte from lawyer Roman Giertych. In a historic post and video address, painstakingly analysed on the “Idź Pod Prąd” television programme by pastor Paweł Chojecki and editor Cezary Kłosowicz, Roman Giertych set out the fundamental legal defect of Nawrocki’s own incumbency. Lawyer Giertych recalled plainly: “Mr Nawrocki, the National Assembly did not accept your oath because the protocol of the National Assembly was not voted on and therefore it is unknown whether the Assembly accepted your oath given before the Marshal of the Sejm or not — so until it is voted on, you are not the president!” The constitutional difference is colossal here: article 130 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland clearly conditions assuming the office of President of the Republic of Poland on taking the oath before the whole National Assembly, whereas in the case of judges of the Constitutional Tribunal the Fundamental Law does not mention swearing an oath at all, which is regulated only in an ordinary statute.During the sitting of the National Assembly in 2025 the then Marshal Szymon Hołownia, acting under the influence of late‑night conversations at Adam Bielan’s and Jarosław Kaczyński’s, closed the proceedings without putting to a vote the protocol confirming the taking of the oath. Lawyer Roman Giertych was the only parliamentarian who at that time filed, before the session, during it and in writing an official objection (votum separatum) against adopting the protocol by acclamation, which under the rules required conducting a formal vote that was never held. Moreover, the National Electoral Commission in its final resolution explicitly stated that it was unable to determine whether massive electoral irregularities affected the election result, and the validity of the election was never confirmed by the legally constituted Supreme Court. In his commentary Roman Giertych for the first time so openly also revealed the background of the international blackmail from the summer of 2025: the administration of Donald Trump and the MAGA movement then threatened the Polish government with drastic consequences for Poland's security in the face of the Russo-Ukrainian war if Warsaw decided to recount the votes and block the inauguration of Nawrocki. Today, however, the geopolitical protective shield over the usurper is breaking before the eyes of the whole world, because three weeks before the midterm elections of 3 November 2026 Donald Trump is sinking into an open betrayal of the West, buying Russian diesel fuel, cutting Ukraine off from intelligence ahead of ballistic attacks on Kyiv and, via Elon Musk, throttling the speed of Polish Starlink terminals above 160 km/h. As counsel Giertych emphasized, Nawrocki's attempt to usurp the right to vet judges, ambassadors, officers and legislation is an overt coup aiming to transform Poland into a presidential dictatorship in the tsarist mould. As soon as, after 3 November, Trump becomes a political "lame duck" in Washington paralyzed by the Democratic Congress, the reborn Constitutional Tribunal and the Supreme Court together with the National Assembly will be able fully legally to close the episode of Karol Nawrocki's unlawful usurpation.

================================================================================ ARTICLE VI: THE STATE ON THE EDGE AND BLACKMAIL WITH PEGASUS HACKS. PROF. JACEK IZYDORCZYK ON THE DUTIES OF THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski (based on a conversation by editor Tomasz Pichór with prof. Jacek Izydorczyk on the channel „Kulisy Polityki”)

An escalating wave of anarchy on Polish streets, the impunity of militias storming state institutions and a three-year paralysis in prosecuting the largest Law and Justice scandals were the main subject of an extremely important debate between editor Tomasz Pichór and professor of law Jacek Izydorczyk. The distinguished criminal law scholar and former ambassador of the Republic of Poland opened with a fundamental constitutional diagnosis: the executive branch is always and without exception fully responsible for public order in the state — and indeed for its absence.According to Professor Izydorczyk, citizens elected the current ruling coalition on 15 October 2023 primarily to ruthlessly restore the rule of law, punish thieves of public money and eliminate a system of caste-like impunity.Instead of the immediate use of legally provided instruments of state coercion against criminals, for three years society observed procrastination, burying heads in the sand and toleration of overt sabotage by appointees of Zbigniew Ziobro.Professor Izydorczyk indicated that the only rational explanation for this decision-making paralysis at the pinnacles of power, in the prosecutor's office and in the security services is fear of sexual or corruption kompromat gathered via the cyberweapon Pegasus and related surveillance systems.The fact that after three years of rule the compromised Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA) still functions, and its officers walk around armed and with official IDs, having access to copies of illegal recordings, is a slap in the face to democratic voters.Tomasz Pichór's guest revealed that he personally submitted an official letter to the Prosecutor General and the National Prosecutor's Office demanding information on whether he had been subject to illegal surveillance by Pegasus or other operational programmes. In reply he received a bizarre letter stating that he does not appear in the narrow investigation covering some thirty-some people, while regarding the other proceedings the prosecutor's office refuses to provide an answer, not even able to indicate the legal basis for that refusal! Such conduct by law enforcement proves that the Polish state still protects criminals from the security services who committed the crime of espionage by transferring the data of thousands of Poles to servers in Israel, and acted as part of an organized criminal group of an armed character. Professor Izydorczyk also emphasized that in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland there is no "National Prosecutor", only the Prosecutor General, who is the highest superior of all prosecutors and has the full right to issue direct service orders which subordinates and the Police must obey without exception. Tolerating a situation in which two parallel judicial systems, two prosecutor's offices and two tribunals exist in Poland leads directly to the disintegration of the state and a reprise of the 18th-century Saxon anarchy. Citizens cannot pay the price for individual politicians or judges being afraid of revealing their affairs, addictions or illegal income — the law must be enforced with full severity before external enemies exploit the internal chaos of the Republic.

================================================================================ ARTICLE VII: PANIC AND FEAR OF PRISON WITHIN LAW AND JUSTICE. WĄSIK AND KACZYŃSKI ON THE BARRICADES, AND MAZUREK POINTING AT BOGUCKI Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski (based on live reports by editors Jan Piński and Tomasz Szwejgiert)

The sight of Jarosław Kaczyński, Maciej Wąsik and a handful of party apparatchiks standing at the gate of the Constitutional Tribunal and calling on the nation to defend the Constitution — which they themselves trampled with impunity for eight years — is the most grotesque image of the fall of Law and Justice. As Jan Piński and Tomasz Szwejgiert assessed during their live broadcast, the leaders of the former camp of power today display pure, paralyzing fear of prison, because they fully understand that regaining the Constitutional Tribunal will untie the main knot blocking prosecutions in the prosecutor's office and the Supreme CourtTomasz Szwejgiert drew attention to the brazenness of Maciej Wąsik, who appeared at the Constitutional Tribunal alongside Kaczyński – the man with whom, together for hundreds of millions of zloty (PLN) of public funds, they bugged the most intimate conversations of thousands of Polish families using Pegasus. The other architect of that criminal system, Mariusz Kamiński, was not even able to attend the demonstration because of advanced alcohol problems that had been known for years in the special services. Investigative journalists also quoted a desperate post published on the collective account “Jack Strong” (run by the milieu of Patrycja Kotecka and Ziobro supporters), in which Zbigniew Ziobro’s colleagues publicly complain that only pensioners from the Clubs of Gazeta Polska, Bąkiewicz’s militias and Sakiewicz’s cameras showed up at the Tribunal, while fans, trade unionists, farmers and Confederation voters completely ignored their calls to the barricades. An even more telling sign of the sinking of Karol Nawrocki’s camp was an interview on Kanał Zero in which editor Robert Mazurek unexpectedly remembered the principles of rigorous journalism and mercilessly tore into the head of the President’s Chancellery Zbigniew Bogucki. When Bogucki tried to tell viewers that the government of Beata Szydło “fixed” the constitutional offense and ultimately published the Constitutional Tribunal’s rulings from 2016, Mazurek flatly accused him of feeding people nonsense, reminding him that PiS only printed those rulings after a new law was passed, when the rulings had already lost their legal force. According to Jan Piński and Tomasz Szwejgiert, such a sharp change of tone on Kanał Zero is an infallible sign that the previous protectors have already written off Karol Nawrocki after his humiliation in relations with Washington. That fracture is also confirmed by the fight in the Telewizja Republika studio between Confederation MP Dobromir Sośnierz and Ziobro supporter Piotr Kaleta, where instead of uniting the right they hurled calls of “idiots, boors and ruffians” at one another and threatened physical violence behind the studio door. In the face of the collapse of Russian bot farms after Ukraine bombed Yandex data centers, the artificial praise of trolls disappeared from Nawrocki’s social media profiles, and thousands of genuine posts by angry Poles asking about the cost of living and private profiteering appeared,An organized criminal group PiS has been left isolated and even a desperate search for a “martyr” at the gate at Szucha Avenue will not save it from the verdicts to come.

================================================================================ ARTICLE VIII: UNBLOCKING THE TRIBUNAL, THE ROLE OF THE POLICE AND THE CASE OF KOŁODZIEJCZAK. OPERATIONAL ANALYSIS BY TOMASZ SZWEJGIERT Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski (based on the programme "Z Bańki" edited by Tomasz Szwejgiert)

The technical and operational execution of the lawful judges' entry into the Constitutional Tribunal requires the Polish state to act with the utmost determination combined with professional protection against provocations. In his auteur programme "Z Bańki" Tomasz Szwejgiert, a long-time collaborator of the intelligence services and a former head of a security agency, presented a detailed analysis of the actions of the Police and the Ministry of the Interior under the leadership of Minister Kierwiński.Szwejgiert emphasised that the state is acting here under a constitutional necessity, where the lesser good sacrificed — namely the removal of several dozen demonstrators blocking the entrance — is disproportionately smaller than the good being protected, which is the restoration of constitutional order in the Republic of PolandAt the same time the expert appealed to the commanders of the Police that officers designated for direct contact with the crowd and for forming protective lines outside the Tribunal should not enter the crowd with a handgun visible, but should deposit it in vehicles and use only shields, which will completely eliminate the risk of the pistol being seized by Bąkiewicz’s thugs. In addition, two or three ambulances should be constantly on duty by the building on Szucha Avenue to provide immediate assistance to elderly people incited by Kaczyński, who openly counts on a health tragedy affecting one of the demonstrators. Tomasz Szwejgiert also pointed to a simple logistical solution: instead of daily pushing through the main gate on the Szucha Avenue side to the delight of Telewizja Republika’s cameras, legitimate judges and state services can freely use the direct passage connecting the Tribunal complex with the neighbouring building of the Kancelaria Prezesa Rady Ministrów, from where Bogdan Święczkowski can be taken out in the same way. Referring to the actions of officers from the Central Investigation Bureau of the Police, Szwejgiert highly praised their painstaking investigative work, which led to the rapid tracking down and arrest in Germany of Turkish saboteurs hired by Russian intelligence to set fire to Starlink terminal stations near Warsaw. In the second part of the programme the author addressed the growing criminal scandal around MP Michał Kołodziejczak, against whom further testimony from injured women is appearing concerning violence, mobbing and the administration of drugs that could cause a direct threat to life and health under article 160 of the Penal Code. Instead of resigning, handing in his mandate and apologising to the victims, Kołodziejczak stages humiliating media set-ups on a bicycle and hires the discredited pseudo-detective Krzysztof Rutkowski, who tries to intimidate witnesses and cover up the case, which, Szwejgiert believes, may end with an application for the politician’s temporary arrest. Finally, the editor reminded listeners of the necessity to definitively settle the unlawful donations of State Treasury real estate transferred under PiS governments to the foundations of Robert Bąkiewicz and to church institutions at the expense of ordinary citizens.

================================================================================ CONSTITUTION OF ALGOOMNI 50 PILLARS OF THE RULE OF LAW, CIVIC SOVEREIGNTY AND THE ELIMINATION OF IMPUNITY OF POWER (Project of the Civic Order of the Republic of Poland: Full extended version – all 50 inviolable conditions for the rebirth of the state. Submit proposals: biuro@algoomni.com | www.algoomni.com)

  1. THE SANCTITY OF EVERY VOTE Every vote cast by a citizen is the highest, direct and inviolable mandate of the sovereign people in the Republic of Poland. No digital algorithm, no illegal application, no politicized electoral commission nor any backstage party arrangement has the right to annul, falsify, distort or ignore the will of the nation. Transparency, physical verifiability, video transmission of vote counting and full civic oversight of the electoral process at every stage constitute the inviolable foundation of the existence of a democratic rule-of-law state. Any attempts to manipulate electoral protocols or to deliberately staff commissions with fictitious committees (the Sybil attack) are qualified as the crime of treason not subject to statute of limitations, punishable by 25 years in prison and lifelong deprivation of public rights.

  2. RECOUNT OF VOTES AND INSPECTION OF THE 2025 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS An absolute obligation is introduced to carry out comprehensive, committee inspections and a complete, 100% public and live-broadcast recount of all ballots from the 2025 presidential elections. Assuming office amid mass statistical anomalies, the failure to ratify the protocol of the National Assembly and the lack of a resolution by the legitimate Supreme Court constitute a gross violation of the constitutional order that requires a full establishment of material truth. Until every ballot box and every ballot bag are verified in the presence of independent observers, prosecutors and cameras, the mandate of the person claiming to be head of state is, by operation of law, defective.

  3. ACCOUNTABILITY FOR PI S – ABSOLUTE "OPTION ZERO" Full, uncompromising criminal, constitutional, civil and asset liability for the systemic destruction of legal order, the assault on the Constitutional Tribunal and the Supreme Court, the dismantling of the separation of powers and the multibillion frauds of public funds and State Treasury companies during the years of PiS rule. Any rotten compromises, political amnesties or leniencies are rejected – every scandal (Pegasus, Hermes, RARS, the Justice Fund, Orlen, OTS, ZondaCrypto) must be tried down to the bottom. All assets seized by party officials and transferred to their families or family foundations are subject to mandatory confiscation extended in favor of the State Treasury.

  4. HOLDING THE CURRENT GOVERNMENT ACCOUNTABLE FOR OMISSIONS AND LACK OF ACCOUNTABILITY The executive power that received from millions of Poles a democratic mandate to restore the rule of law, and, in the name of conformism, political calculation, fear of blackmail with Pegasus tapes or submission to foreign pressures chose procrastination and the sin of omission, bears direct political and legal responsibility. The lack of hard accountability and the retention of brake-handle figures in the services and the prosecutor’s office opens the way for a systemic relapse of authoritarian forces. Citizens have the inalienable right to verify the inactivity of ministers, service coordinators and prosecutors by means of a direct civic vote of no confidence.

  5. TOTAL ABOLITION OF IMMUNITIES Definitive and unconditional elimination of parliamentary (Sejm and Senate), judicial, prosecutorial and administrative immunities. All citizens of the Republic of Poland without exception are 100% equal before the law and answer for their actions before the same common courts from the first day the crime was committed. The institution of immunity in Poland has been completely perverted, becoming a pathological shield protecting thieves, tax fraudsters, perpetrators of violence, drunken drivers in robes and organized criminal groups in suits.

  6. MANDATORY TWO-TERM LIMITS IN ALL ORGANS OF POWER Introduction of a hard, non-extendable limit of a maximum of two terms (counted cumulatively over a citizen’s entire life) for deputies to the Sejm, senators, city presidents, mayors, commune heads, councillors at all levels and heads of state agencies and central offices. The definitive end to the professional caste of political barons welded to parliamentary and local government seats for thirty years and to the creation of local principalities and ossified bureaucratic clans preying on public assets.

  7. MANDATORY TOXICOLOGY AND PSYCHIATRIC TESTS AT THE TOPS OF POWER Obligatory, unannounced, independent and random laboratory tests (blood, urine, hair analysis up to 6 months back) for the presence of drugs, designer drugs and psychoactive substances and sobriety tests carried out every 3 months for the President of the Republic, the Prime Minister, ministers, deputy ministers, deputies, senators, judges, prosecutors and heads of special services and the Police. Refusal to undergo testing, attempt to falsify a sample or a positive result results in the immediate and automatic termination of the mandate or removal from office by operation of law. The people who decide on the security of the state, the budget and the fate of millions of Poles must be fully sane, sober and free from addictions that make them susceptible to service blackmail.

  8. A CITIZENS' CONSTITUTION WITH RIGID CALENDAR DEADLINES The new Basic Law of the Republic of Poland must be written directly by citizens and independent experts, not by political parties and legal corporations that safeguard their own loopholes of impunity. An absolute elimination from the Constitution and all discretionary laws of rubbery expressions such as “without delay”, “as soon as possible” or “within a reasonable time” is introduced and they are to be replaced with precise calendar days (e.g. 3, 7, 14 days). Exceeding a rigid constitutional deadline by the President, Prime Minister, a minister, a judge or an official results in the act coming into force automatically by operation of law and the immediate loss of office by the obstructing official.

  9. STRICT ORDER OF FILING IN COURTS, PROSECUTOR'S OFFICES AND ADMINISTRATIVE OFFICES A statutory, absolute and digitally monitored requirement to process, assign and consider all cases according to the strict date, hour, minute and second of their filing with courts, tribunals, prosecutor's offices and state and local government administrative offices. The final end to political “freezers” for years for cases inconvenient for those in power, to presidents of courts and tribunals manually setting court lists, to favouring cronies and to deliberate prolongation of criminal proceedings until they become time-barred.

  10. FULL DISCLOSURE OF THE LIST OF ILLEGALLY SURVEILLED CITIZENS Immediate, one-hundred-percent declassification and public publication of the full register of all persons surveilled using cyberweapons (Pegasus, Hermes, Predator, Feng and related systems) and illegal operational wiretaps, together with disclosure of the full costs of these operations and the names of the officers and prosecutors and judges who signed the authorizations. Every victim of illegal surveillance is granted ex officio the status of an injured party and full access to their file in the secret registry office, including personal data of information sources that took part in fabricating materials against them. Society has the inalienable right to know which politicians, journalists, judges and prosecutors are today being blackmailed with materials stolen from phones.

  11. FULL CRIMINAL AND ASSET LIABILITY OF PUBLIC OFFICIALS Introduction of full, personal criminal, civil and asset liability — covering all present and future private assets, excluding the possibility of hiding assets in family foundations or transferring them to spouses and relatives — for the President, Prime Minister, ministers, members of parliament, senators, mayors, town presidents, councilors, tax and state officials, as well as absolutely for judges and prosecutors. This liability covers deliberate violation of the Constitution, corruption, fabricating evidence, issuing unlawful decisions and judgments, hiding files and gross omissions causing losses to the State Treasury or harm to citizens. Compensation awarded by Polish or international tribunals is collected directly from the guilty official’s assets by compulsory recourse proceedings.

  12. TOTAL BAN ON HOLDING MULTIPLE POSITIONS AND BAN ON SITTING ON BOARDS OF STATE-OWNED COMPANIES A radical, absolute ban on serving on management boards, supervisory boards, advisory committees or holding fictitious positions in State Treasury companies, municipal companies, government agencies and state foundations for ministers, deputy ministers, members of parliament, senators, mayors, town presidents, city presidents, councilors and their closest family members (together with a five-year cooling-off period after leaving public office). The decisive cutting of the pathology of party nepotism, buying political support with jobs and milking the national patrimony by incompetent appointees.

  13. ABSOLUTE BAN ON CHANGING PARLIAMENTARY GROUPS (BAN ON POLITICAL TOURISM) The mandate of a member of the Sejm, a senator and a local government councilor is directly tied to the will of the voters expressed by voting for a specific electoral list and the programme of that formation. Abandoning a parliamentary or local government club, joining another grouping, creating a splinter circle or any form of trading the mandate during the term results in the immediate, automatic termination of the mandate by operation of law and its takeover by the next person on the same electoral list. An end to political corruption and trading citizens’ votes in the corridors of the Sejm and town halls.

  14. MANDATORY PRESENCE AT VOTES AND SESSIONS Holding the mandate of a parliamentarian, Member of the European Parliament and councilor is a full-time official duty to the sovereign people, paid from citizens’ taxes. Unjustified absence from sessions of the Sejm, Senate, parliamentary committees or during votes exceeding 10% in a calendar quarter results in automatic loss of the mandate by operation of law, deduction of 100% of salary and allowances for that period and loss of entitlement to any severance pay.

  15. FULL TRANSPARENCY OF PUBLIC EXPENDITURE — SETTLEMENTS ONLY BY ONLINE-REGISTERED CARD A total ban on cash settlements, lump-sum allowances, advances and fictitious “mileage” reimbursements in the operations of the Chancellery of the President, the Chancellery of the Prime Minister, ministries, parliamentarians, courts, tribunals and local governments. All office expenses, expert reports, flights, hotels, representative meals and fuel must be paid exclusively with a named corporate card integrated with the public Central Register of State Expenditures available to every citizen on the internet in real time (24/7). Any attempt to fraudulently claim mileage or to pay for private purchases from public funds constitutes an immediate prosecutorial charge under art. 286 k.k. and loss of office.

  16. END OF “SACRED COWS” — EQUAL LAW FOR EVERYONE AND CITIZEN JURIES Equal, absolute law for every citizen without any corporate caste privileges. Complete abolition of closed, secret disciplinary courts protecting judges, prosecutors, advocates, police officers and special service officers from accountability for breaking the law. Every official crime, tampering with an investigation, hiding exculpatory evidence, fabricating operational materials or paid media protection is tried openly, broadcast publicly, with participation of a citizen jury.

  17. SYSTEMIC PROTECTION AND STRICT SUPERVISION OF FORMER SPECIAL SERVICE OFFICERS Intelligence and counterintelligence officers (AW, Internal Security Agency (ABW), SKW, SWW) possessing strategic knowledge about state security and agent networks cannot be thrown out on the street as an easy target for foreign services, fuel mafias or cryptocurrency exchangesA strict 10-year ban is introduced on employment of former officers in foreign entities, tax havens and sensitive industries (cryptocurrencies, gambling, debt collection, private intelligence agencies), combined with a decent state salary within an analytical corps of the state reserves and permanent counterintelligence protection.Violation of the ban and work for entities linked to foreign capital is punishable as for diplomatic treason..

  18. TOTAL TRANSPARENCY AND BLOCKING OF INFILTRATION INTO THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS Every draft law, regulation and parliamentary or governmental amendment must have an open, digital legislative passport naming the exact authors of each provision by name and position and a full register of lobbying contacts.An absolute prohibition is introduced on having laws written by external law firms, foundations financed from undisclosed sources and lobbyists representing foreign corporations and cryptocurrency exchanges.Any attempts to buy laws, block anti-money laundering (AML) provisions or weaken financial supervision are prosecuted as an attack on the economic security of the Republic of Poland..

  19. SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE AND THE END OF THE CLERGY'S PROPERTY PRIVILEGES Immediate liquidation of the Church Fund, full taxation of the income of all religious associations, parishes and bishoprics under general rules (cash registers, full accounting) and an absolute ban on transferring state treasury and local government real estate, land and tenement houses to church institutions at giveaway prices or by means of discounts.All previously unlawful donations of land and buildings to churches and church-related foundations are subject to audit and return to the state’s resources, and financing of religious associations may take place only via voluntary tax deductions by the faithful themselves..

  20. CITIZENS’ VETO AND BINDING REFERENDUM WITHOUT A TURNOUT THRESHOLD Restoration of the direct sovereignty of the Nation over the political class: a proposal supported by 500,000 verified citizens’ signatures (collected also electronically via the trusted profile and the civic platform) obliges the Marshal of the Sejm to call a nationwide referendum within 14 days.The result of a nationwide or local referendum (including a recall referendum) is absolutely binding on all authorities without the possibility of applying any turnout threshold.A citizens’ referendum veto has the power to annul any Sejm law and any presidential veto..

  21. OPENNESS AND DIGITAL ACCOUNTABILITY – NO MORE ANONYMOUS TROLL FARMS AND BOTS A requirement for full identity verification and the use of real personal data when creating accounts on social platforms, news portals, publishing articles and running public-interest channels on the territory of the Republic of Poland (Republic of Poland, RP).The final elimination of foreign (including Russian and party) troll farms, AI-controlled bot networks, fake accounts (avatars) and organized campaigns of hate and informational diversion.Every participant in public debate enjoys full freedom of speech, but appears openly under their own name and surname, bearing personal civil and criminal liability for defamation, criminal threats and disinformation..

  22. TOTAL TRANSPARENCY OF THE SERVICE – BODY-WORN CAMERAS FOR OFFICERS AND CLERKS An absolute statutory duty of continuous audiovisual recording of all official activities, interventions, searches, arrests, interrogations and checks carried out by police officers, officers of the special services (Internal Security Agency (ABW), Central Investigative Bureau of the Police, Government Protection Bureau, National Revenue Administration), prison guards and tax inspectors using constantly active body-worn cameras that transmit recordings in real time to secure external servers.Turning off the camera, covering the lens or deleting a recording during official duties results in the automatic designation of the act as illegal, a presumption of the officer’s guilt and immediate dismissal from service..

  23. DIRECT ELECTIONS AND RECALLS OF JUDGES, PROSECUTORS AND POLICE CHIEFS Introduction of universal direct elections by citizens for the positions of judges of common courts, lay judges, district and regional prosecutors, the Attorney General and provincial Police commanders from among candidates who have the required legal education and an unblemished character, together with the right to recall them by citizens in a referendum before the end of their term.The definitive elimination of secret crony nomination systems, politicized judicial councils and corrupt cabinet promotions in favor of direct accountability before the sovereign people..

  24. COMPLETE DECLASSIFICATION OF IPN ARCHIVES, PRL SERVICES AND RESTRICTED COLLECTIONS AFTER 1989 Immediate, 100-percent opening and full publication online of all archival materials, personal files, agent registers and operational documents of the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN), communist special services (the Security Service, Internal Military Service, II Directorate of the General Staff) and the so-called restricted collections taken over after 1989 by the Office for State Protection, Military Information Services, Internal Security Agency (ABW) and Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA).A definitive severing of the “blackmail system” (IPN 1.0 and IPN 2.0) through which for thirty-seven years politicians, judges, journalists and clergy were blackmailed, thus controlling the Polish political scene from behind the scenes..

  25. PUBLIC REGISTER OF ILLEGAL SERVICE COLLABORATORS IN TRUSTED PROFESSIONS An absolute statutory publication of a complete register of persons performing professions of public trust – judges, prosecutors, advocates, legal advisors, notaries, doctors, court experts and also journalists and publishers – who after 1989 were recruited illegally or undertook secret, paid cooperation as personal sources of information (OZI/TW) with the special services, in particular with the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA) and the Internal Security Agency (ABW).A secret entanglement of a lawyer informing on his own client, a prosecutor carrying out orders from the security services, or a journalist publishing smear pieces on the instructions of a handling officer results in a lifetime ban on practising the profession and criminal liability.

  26. MODERN AND DEFENSIVE EDUCATION – AI, CYBERSECURITY, DEFENSE AND INFORMATIONAL RESILIENCE Definitive removal of religious instruction from public schools and elimination of unnecessary teacher bureaucracy in favour of modern subjects of civilizational and strategic importance: practical artificial intelligence (AI), advanced programming, cybersecurity, financial and legal education, detection of disinformation and propaganda by foreign services, and universal basic military training and medical rescueRestoration of the real authority and legal protection of the teacher at school as a public official equipped with effective tools to enforce discipline and the safety of pupils.

  27. ANTI-AUTHORITARIAN CONSTITUTIONAL SAFEGUARDS AND PROTECTION OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL TRIBUNAL Implementation of hard, automatic constitutional mechanisms preventing the paralysis of the Constitutional Tribunal, the Supreme Court and the National Electoral Commission by the executive branch or the PresidentRefusal to accept the oath from a judge elected by the Sejm within seven calendar days results by operation of law in the judge assuming office on the basis of the parliamentary election act after taking the oath before the Marshal of the Sejm or a notaryPhysically blocking a judge's access to their office, files or a courtroom constitutes a crime against the constitutional order of the Republic of Poland, prosecuted ex officio with the immediate arrest of the perpetrator by the Police regardless of any immunity they may hold.

  28. TOTAL TRANSPARENCY OF SALARIES, BONUSES AND GRANTS IN THE PUBLIC SECTOR Introduction of absolute transparency of all basic salaries, bonuses, awards, functional allowances, severance payments and B2B contracts received by politicians, presidential and government advisers, judges, prosecutors, state and local government officials, boards of State Treasury companies, and foundations and media receiving even a single zloty of public fundsA public, nationwide register of public-sector pay, updated monthly, will definitively eliminate hidden sinecures, fictitious posts and the siphoning of millions of zloty into the pockets of party cronies.

  29. ASSET DECLARATIONS 100% OPEN, DIGITAL AND INCLUDING FAMILY ASSETS Complete elimination of secrecy clauses and exclusions from transparency in the asset declarations of all public officeholders, judges, prosecutors and heads of servicesThe obligation is introduced to file declarations only in a standardized computer system (with automatic cross-verification in the databases of the National Revenue Administration (KAS), land and mortgage registers and the registers of the Polish Financial Supervision Authority (KNF)) including precise market valuation of real estate, foreign assets, cryptocurrencies, watches and works of art above 10,000 zloty and the full assets transferred to spouses, children, parents and family foundations in the last 10 yearsConcealment of assets in a declaration results in their automatic forfeiture to the State Treasury.

  30. TOTAL ANNULMENT OF THE DECISIONS AND TRANSFERS OF THE "FORTNIGHT GOVERNMENT" OF 2023 Statutory recognition as void ab initio (ex tunc) of all financial decisions, personal appointments (including mass promotions to the titles of national and regional prosecutors), long-term contracts, grants to party foundations and property transfers made after 15 October 2023 by the so-called fortnight government of Mateusz Morawiecki and his ministersAll public funds paid out under that regime are subject to mandatory repayment with statutory interest within 30 days under penalty of enforcement by bailiff against the personal assets of beneficiaries and decision-makers.

  31. DEFENSE INDUSTRIAL SOVEREIGNTY – SOURCE CODES, FULL LOGISTICS AND MANDATORY OFFSET An absolute statutory requirement that every defence contract for the purchase of weapons, satellite communications systems and military equipment for the Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland include full industrial offset (minimum 50% production and servicing in Polish defence plants), technology transfer, domestic ammunition production and the transfer to Poland of full source codes and independent operational access keysA complete ban on entering non-transparent contracts without tender and logistics that make the activation of Polish weaponry or communications dependent on the political whims of foreign billionaires or foreign capitals, and a full prosecutorial audit of all past defence purchases for commissions and corruption.

  32. ZERO SALARY FOR SUSPENDED JUDGES, PROSECUTORS AND OFFICIALS Immediate, one hundred percent suspension of payment of salary, allowances and any emoluments to judges, prosecutors, service officers and senior state officials at the moment of their formal suspension from duties or the laying of criminal charges for intentional crimes and breaches of the ConstitutionThis ends the pathology in which compromised officials of the old system stay away from work for years, mock the judiciary and each month draw 20–30 thousand zloty from citizens' taxes for complete inactivity.

  33. ZERO SEVERANCE, BONUSES ONLY FOR RESULTS AND ELIMINATION OF "GOLDEN PARACHUTES" Total statutory elimination of cash severance payments, multi-month compensation for fictitious non-compete clauses and "golden parachutes" for dismissed ministers, deputy ministers, chairmen and board members of State Treasury companies, municipal companies, government agencies and directors in the public administrationA person removed from office for mismanagement, loss of trust or breaking the law leaves on the day of dismissal with no right to any extra zloty from the public purse.

  34. ONE CENTRAL INVESTIGATION INTO THE ATTACK ON THE 2025 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS Mandatory consolidation of all the prosecutor’s proceedings scattered around the country concerning the falsification of protocols in precinct election commissions, the illegal use of Matecki’s and Czarnek’s application, the attack of Sybilla in staffing commissions, the illegal financing of the campaign with dirty cryptocurrency funds and foreign interference in the 2025 presidential elections into one central investigation conducted by a special team of independent prosecutors under the direct supervision of the Prosecutor GeneralThe aim of the investigation is to prosecute not only the rank-and-file operatives from the commissions but above all the political patrons and organizers of the electoral conspiracy.

  35. TOTAL LIQUIDATION OF THE CBA AND THE INSTITUTE OF NATIONAL REMEMBRANCE (IPN) Definitive and immediate dissolution of the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA) and the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) – institutions that have been transformed into an unlawful political police, factories of fabricated kompromat, tools for blackmailing politicians and journalists and storage for party apparatchiks with a multi-hundred-million budget exceeding the budget of the intelligence services of the Republic of PolandThe prosecution of corruption is to be transferred to specialized divisions of the Police (Central Bureau of Investigation, CBŚP) under strict judicial supervision, while the IPN archives are to be 100% digitized, made publicly available online and integrated into the State Archives.

  36. COMPULSORY UNIVERSAL VOTING, HYBRID VOTING AND ABOLITION OF PARTY SUBSIDIES Introduction of a statutory obligation to participate in elections and referendums for all adult citizens of the Republic of Poland (modeled on tested democracies such as Australia or Belgium), combined with the implementation of secure, encrypted internet voting in parallel with traditional polling stationsAt the same time, the complete abolition of multi-million subsidies and grants for political parties from the state budget is introduced (parties may be financed only from transparent, limited contributions from their members and supporters) and the archaic election silence is removed.

  37. STRICT ADMINISTRATIVE DEADLINES DECIDING CASES IN FAVOR OF THE CITIZEN Introduction in all administrative and tax proceedings of a strict, non-extendable period of 14 calendar days for an authority to issue a decisionExceeding this deadline by a state, local government or tax authority results by operation of law in the automatic resolution of the case entirely in favor of the citizen or entrepreneur (principle of tacit consent and full acceptance of the application), while the official responsible for the delay bears personal disciplinary and financial liability.

  38. CITIZEN MONOPOLY ON CREATING A NEW CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND Complete exclusion from the process of drafting a New Constitution of the Republic of Poland of former and current deputies, senators, ministers, presidents, judges of the Constitutional Tribunal, and corporate law lobbyistsThe new Fundamental Law is to be drafted by a Citizens’ Constituent Assembly selected by open lottery from law-abiding citizens of the Republic of Poland with technical-legal support from independent constitutionalists and experts in the hard sciences, and then adopted by the entire Nation in a binding constitutional referendum.

  39. THE POLITICIAN AS A HIRED EMPLOYEE OF THE NATION BOUND BY AN ELECTORAL CONTRACT Definition of the legal status of the President, Prime Minister, minister, deputy, senator and councilor as a "hired employee of the Nation" obliged to implement the electoral program submitted in the form of a notarial deed before the Państwowa Komisja WyborczaGross breach of the electoral contract, voting contrary to the commitments made in the program or acting to the detriment of the public interest gives voters the right to initiate a procedure for the immediate recall of the politician during the term (recall election) and to hold them financially liable.

  40. INSTITUTIONAL AUTOMATISM OF THE RULE OF LAW AND ENFORCEMENT OF JUDGMENTS Implementation of an absolute legal automatism against all state bodies for refusal to execute final court judgments, tribunal rulings or parliamentary resolutionsIf a public official, the President, Prime Minister, minister, court president or prosecutor intentionally refuses to perform a constitutional or statutory duty (e.g. refusal to take an oath, refusal to publish a judgment, refusal to admit a judge to adjudicate) for a period longer than 7 days, the act is deemed performed by operation of law, and the blocking official is automatically suspended from duties with loss of remuneration and placed under criminal charges.

  41. DELEGALIZATION OF NEO-JUDGES, BAN ON ADJUDICATING AND DEPRIVATION OF ALLOWANCES All so-called neo-judges appointed or promoted with the involvement of the unconstitutional, politicized National Council of the Judiciary (KRS), in particular those sitting in the Supreme Court and in appellate and regional courts, are by operation of law permanently removed from office and excluded from adjudicating, and their appointment instruments are declared voidThese persons lose the right to a judicial retirement pension and are transferred to the general ZUS system, while any attempts by them to convene illegal gatherings to "self-legalize" or to issue judgments favoring political patrons are punishable by unconditional imprisonment under articles 227 and 231 of the Penal Code.

  42. ABSOLUTE BAN ON INTERMEDIARIES IN PUBLIC AND STRATEGIC PROCUREMENT In the execution of all government, local government, strategic reserve, medical, energy and defense purchases, a total statutory ban is introduced on the participation of any intermediaries, shell companies, intelligence fronts, foundations and commission agentsPublic contracts may be concluded only directly with certified manufacturers or direct service providersIntroducing an intermediary into the supply chain for the state is by operation of law treated as an attempt to embezzle property of great value and as official corruption.

  43. OBLIGATORY ABSOLUTE IMPRISONMENT FOR CORRUPT POLITICIANS AND OFFICIALS For politicians, members of government, parliamentarians, judges, prosecutors, officers of the special services and the Police, and presidents of State Treasury companies convicted of crimes committed in connection with their office, a complete ban is introduced on imposing non-custodial sentences and suspended sentences.For corruption, embezzlement of public funds, rigging tenders, illegal surveillance of citizens, falsifying evidence and abuse of power, courts shall impose only an absolute custodial sentence increased by at least 50% above the statutory upper limit, without the right to early release or a presidential pardon..

  44. ABSOLUTE JURISDICTIONAL EQUALITY – BAN ON THE RIGHT OF PARDON BEFORE FINAL JUDGMENT AND AS REGARDS POLITICIANS The final elimination of any jurisdictional exemptions and loopholes of impunity for the power elites.The President of the Republic of Poland is constitutionally deprived of the right to grant clemency to persons not finally convicted (ban on individual amnesty) and is entirely deprived of the right to pardon former and current politicians, ministers, members of the Sejm, senators, judges, prosecutors, officers of the special services and persons convicted of crimes against elections, corruption and actions harmful to the State Treasury..

  45. DIGITAL SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATE AND FULL JURISDICTION OVER GLOBAL PLATFORMS All international technology corporations, social media platforms, providers of satellite communications and cloud services operating or monetizing services on the territory of the Republic of Poland are absolutely subject to Polish law and the jurisdiction of Polish courts.Each such entity must have a physical representation in Poland with a board legally responsible for blocking Russian diversion and bots and a ban on arbitrary censoring of Polish media or disabling communication systems paid for by Poland, under the penalty of heavy financial fines of up to 10% of global turnover and domain blocking..

  46. CALENDAR JUDICIAL AND PROSECUTORIAL RIGOR (DEADLINES 7 / 14 / 30 DAYS) Introduction of rigid, non-extendable procedural deadlines for courts and prosecutor’s offices: a maximum of 7 days to consider incidental motions and arrest complaints, 14 days to prepare the written justification of a judgment or ruling, and 30 days to schedule the first hearing from the filing of the indictment.Unjustified exceeding of a deadline by a judge or prosecutor results in an automatic deduction of 50% of that month's salary to a compensation fund for parties to protracted proceedings, and three violations of a deadline – dismissal from the profession..

  47. TWO-COMPONENT, LEGIBLE SIGNATURE OF PERSONAL RESPONSIBILITY ON EVERY ACT Every court judgment, prosecutorial ruling (including on discontinuance of an investigation or refusal to disclose files), tax decision, administrative order and request for operational control must, under penalty of absolute nullity, bear the full given name, surname and official position typed in print and immediately alongside a legible handwritten signature and a qualified digital signature of the decision-maker.A total ban on using illegible initials, anonymous “by authorization” stamps and on diffusing responsibility onto nameless teams of clerks..

  48. REAL-TIME BANKING – SETTLEMENTS 24/7/365 WITHOUT BANK RANSOM All banks and financial institutions operating in Poland have a statutory obligation to free-of-charge post and settle all domestic transfers of citizens and businesses in real time (within a maximum of 5 seconds), 24 hours a day, 7 days a week and 365 days a year.A total ban on holding Poles’ money in artificial Elixir sessions, a ban on suspending economic turnover on weekends and holidays and a ban on charging extra fees for instant transfers..

  49. VAT REFUND WITHIN A MAXIMUM OF 7 DAYS AND BAN ON BLOCKING ACCOUNTS WITHOUT A COURT JUDGMENT A statutory obligation to refund VAT to the accounts of Polish entrepreneurs within a non-extendable period of 7 calendar days from filing the return.At the same time, an absolute ban is introduced on the preventive blocking of bank accounts of honest companies by tax offices and the National Revenue Administration (KAS) and a ban on surveilling private bank accounts of citizens without prior bringing of criminal charges and a final court order.The financial liquidity of Polish companies is protected as a strategic foundation of the national economy..

  50. AN END TO THE NEWSPEAK OF IMPUNITY – PRECISE CRIMINAL QUALIFICATION OF POWER'S OFFENCES An absolute ban on courts, the prosecutor’s office, investigative commissions and offices using legal newspeak that conceals criminal offences of public officials.Terms such as “constitutional delict”, “procedural error”, “breach of the dignity of office”, “accounting irregularity” or “exceeding authority” cannot replace the Criminal Code qualifications concerning theft of high-value property, embezzlement, bribery, falsifying documents, espionage, unlawful deprivation of liberty or participation in an organized criminal group.Every crime of power against the Republic and the Citizens must be called by name and punished with the full severity of the Criminal Code

Editorial notice (impressum) · Gazeta Logomarka

Publisher
ALGOOMNI P.S.A.
Registration data
KRS 0001187628 · NIP 7011272266 · REGON 542417810
Publisher address
ul. Hoża 86/410, 00-682 Warszawa
Editor-in-chief
Mieczysław Dzikowski
Editorial office address
ul. Hoża 86/410, 00-682 Warszawa
Press register (RPR)
21744
Contact
biuro@logomarka.pl · +48 515 269 955

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SCUFFLE IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL TRIBUNAL, NAWROCKI AT THE HEAD OF A COUP, ARREST APPLICATIONS FOR OBAJTEK · ALGOOMNI