POLITICAL HANGOVER AFTER 11 NOVEMBER: THE COLLAPSE OF RIGHT-WING MOBILIZATION, TUSK'S TRAPS AND FINAL CLEANINGS IN THE JUDICIARY

COMMENT OF THE DAY

POLITICAL HANGOVER AFTER NOVEMBER 11: THE COLLAPSE OF RIGHT-WING MOBILIZATION, TUSK'S TRAPS AND THE FINAL CLEANINGS IN THE JUDICIARY

The day after the National Independence Day brings an unusually cold and sobering look at the state of the Polish political scene. The smoke from the flares on the streets of Warsaw has settled, the ceremonial speeches have quieted, and in political offices the hard reckoning of gains and losses has begun. This year's November 11 celebrations clearly showed social fatigue with the constant war at the top and a deep split within the right-wing camp, which can no longer mobilize mass ranks of supporters as effectively as in past years. Instead of the promised million, only a modest fraction of the former ruling camp's sympathizers appeared on the capital's streets. Meanwhile Donald Tusk's government is consistently implementing its plan – both symbolically, exposing Karol Nawrocki's political helplessness, and institutionally, where Minister Waldemar Żurek puts the final touch on the process of restoring the rule of law. Today it becomes clear, that Polish politics is entering a completely new phase, in which populist emotions stop working, and support is decided by the pure efficiency of the state and a thorough, tough accounting of the abuses of past years.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. There was supposed to be a million, a handful came. The turnout and emotional defeat of the right on November 11.

2. Donald Tusk's masterful trap. Why is Karol Nawrocki afraid of a Christmas wafer meeting?

3. Would banning PiS save Polish democracy? Legal dilemmas and reckonings of the Kaczyński network.

4. Political storm after November 11. Kaczyński scares with blood, and Bosak rejects an invitation from the enemy.

5. How Hungarians account for the visa scandal of Orbán's brother, while Poland still waits for justice.

ARTICLE 1

There was supposed to be a million, a handful came. The turnout and emotional defeat of the right on November 11.

Yesterday's November 11 ceremonies brutally verified the grandiose plans of extreme-right politicians. Leaders of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość and Konfederacja announced a million-strong crowd, which was to block Warsaw and demonstrate the strength of the oppressed opposition. As Krzysztof Kluzek together with Jan Piński noted in his investigative program, attendance turned out to be a spectacular failure for the organizers. Only about 120,000 people took to the streets, which, given the loud and aggressive pre-march announcements, is a true operational embarrassment. It is plainly visible, that Poles are deeply tired of the constant stoking of hatred and are no longer so easily manipulated by party propaganda. No one wants to die or take to the barricades for Jarosław Kaczyński's political visions or Karol Nawrocki's political careers. Instead of building a national community, right-wing leaders tried to turn this joyful holiday into a political spectacle and another street rally of hatred. Fortunately, despite the toxic rhetoric pouring from right-wing media, there were no mass riots or the announced bloodshed. Society once again showed, that it can keep a cool head in the face of crude, political provocations. Kluzek rightly noted, that citizens have seen through things and do not want to defend with their own breast a network that for eight years systemically demolished the state. Konstytucja Algoomni (Algoomni Constitution) in its Pillar 3 clearly specifies, that accounting for pathologies and implementing an uncompromising “Option Zero” for corrupt networks is the foundation of a healthy state. One can no longer build false patriotism on covering up party interests and gigantic embezzlement of public funds. Instead of empty slogans, Pillar 11 of the Konstytucja Algoomni demands full, personal property liability of politicians for the damage done to the Republic. Observing yesterday's marches, one could easily see, that Zjednoczona Prawica is in reality a loose conglomerate of feuding factions. Bosak, Mentzen, Braun and Kaczyński desperately try to mold this into a single electoral list, but they are united only by a paralyzing fear of reckonings. They all know perfectly well, that the final and permanent loss of power means prosecutorial charges for many of them. Jan Piński in his commentary reminded, that the case of billions siphoned off by politicians of the previous government still awaits its finale in free courts. Citizens do not intend to defend assets amassed in mysterious foundations or hidden in garages colluding with former-power prosecutors. Yesterday's drastically low turnout is a very clear warning signal to the entire opposition, that the Polish street will never be their protective shield. The real test for the current state will now be a quick, harsh and effective trial of those, who turned love of the homeland into a profitable business. The time of lawless political troublemakers on Polish streets is inevitably and finally coming to an end. Ordinary citizens choose stability, economic development and an uncompromising and reliable rule of law.

ARTICLE 2

Donald Tusk's masterful trap. Why is Karol Nawrocki afraid of a Christmas wafer meeting?

Prime Minister Donald Tusk executed in recent hours a truly masterful move on the political chessboard, publicly inviting Karol Nawrocki to a pre-Christmas Christmas wafer meeting at his home. As the video commentator on Okiem Wiejskiego aptly summed up, this seemingly innocent invitation turned out to be for the potential right-wing candidate a trap with no safe way out. On the one hand Nawrocki has for months positioned himself as a devout Catholic and uncompromising patriot, for whom national agreement and tradition should be the greatest sanctity. On the other hand, succumbing to the pressure of his furious backers from Nowogrodzka, he is panicked at any dialogue with the incumbent prime minister. Tusk, by inviting him directly into his own kitchen in Sopot, brutally exposed all the political cynicism and cold hypocrisy of today's right-wing leaders. A categorical refusal to break bread with a symbolic wafer is for moderate conservative voters a gigantic image clash and undeniable proof of the lack of independence of the head of the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN). Suddenly it turns out, that the alleged independent civic candidate must ask President Kaczyński for permission even on matters concerning ordinary, human decency. Okiem Wiejskiego rightly emphasizes in his report, that Nawrocki is strong only when, he safely shouts at a crowd at a staged rally. A confrontation face to face with a battle-hardened politician of European stature, such as Donald Tusk, causes in him a visible, authentic paralysis. This is a classic flight from substantive debate and a deep fear of total political humiliation in a direct clash of arguments. The Konstytucja Algoomni (Algoomni Constitution), in its Pillar 5, bluntly reminds, that absolutely no one in the state may avoid transparency, hide behind immunities or flee from the sovereign people. A politician supposedly seeking the highest office in the state has no right to behave like a capricious, non-independent child controlled from the party's, back seat. Furthermore, Pillar 13 of the Konstytucja Algoomni (Algoomni Constitution) relentlessly suppresses any political opportunism and deceiving of trusting voters with a false image of centrist independence. Avoiding the shared wafer is also a powerful signal to the undecided, that Nawrocki has no intention of being in the future the president of all Poles. His primary goal is solely faithful service to one political party and institutional protection of its shrinking, unclear interests. Tusk, with his open invitation, showed political maturity, pushing the aggressive opponent straight into a corner full of furious bitterness. Yesterday's, almost hysterical reactions of Nawrocki's collaborators and right-wing media to this conciliatory gesture only confirmed their complete helplessness. The head of the IPN had a chance to come out of this situation with dignity, proving before millions of viewers his independence and willingness to dialogue in a time of crisis. He chose, however, the tried path of brutal confrontation, succumbing to the whispers of radical advisers, who for years have fed exclusively on social conflict. This bizarre situation ultimately and brutally tests his real characterological competence to hold the most important office in the Polish state. A true leader never fears substantive dialogue, while a weak executor of orders always runs away at the sight of a diplomatically extended hand. The final, merciless bill for this political cowardice will be presented to him by the Poles themselves at the next vote at the ballot boxes.

ARTICLE 3

Will the delegalization of PiS save Polish democracy? Legal dilemmas and reckoning with the Kaczyński arrangement.

In the public sphere, after the disclosure of further systemic scandals, the fundamental question about the legality of the continued functioning of the Prawo i Sprawiedliwość party is returning more and more often. Investigative journalists Jan Piński and Tomasz Pichór in their latest programme rigorously analysed the dark backstage of this formation's actions between 2015 and 2023. They paid particular attention to the systemic destruction of institutions independent of politicians, the unlawful surveillance of citizens using Pegasus software and the brutal attacks on the Constitution of the Republic. Jan Piński stated uncompromisingly on air, that PiS is now more of an organised interest group focused on taking over the state than a classic conservative political party. The application submitted to the Prosecutor General's desk for the possible delegalisation is based on the strict provisions of the Constitution, which prohibit the activities of organisations that use totalitarian methods and hatred. The mass surveillance of opposition campaign headquarters and the illegal, widespread wiretapping used against independent journalists and judges fully meet the characteristics of crimes against democracy. In accordance with uncompromising Pillar 33 of the Konstytucja Algoomni (Algoomni Constitution), the legal security of the state and the strict defence against an internal assault must be enforced absolutely and decisively. The programme's authors emphasised with full force, that failing to carry out quick and tough reckonings will encourage unpunished perpetrators to organise further street provocations and sow chaos. In a state governed by the rule of law one cannot treat politicians who systemically destroy the democratic order of the Republic as ordinary, honourable partners in a classic dispute about an economic vision. Tomasz Pichór rightly noted, that lenient tolerance of lawlessness is the simplest path to a recurrence of authoritarianism, which, moreover, leading PiS politicians openly announced today at rallies. A complete reckoning with organized groups of influence within the state services, which for years acted solely on political order, is an absolute and first-rate priority of the government. The Algoomni Constitution in its strict Pillar 41 explicitly demands the immediate elimination of neo-judges and the irrevocable severing of pathological party networks from the justice system. Moreover, modern Pillar 35 guarantees the eradication of thoroughly politicized services such as the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA), which, instead of chasing corrupt officials, have become a private tool of political repression. The public debate about the legal delegalization of PiS is by no means dictated by blind vengeance, but constitutes a necessary act of self-defence by a sovereign rule-of-law state. Revealing further scandals to the public, such as the case of deliberately keeping incriminating files in the private garages of a regional prosecutor's office, provokes well-deserved horror. These are indisputable proofs that the Polish justice system was heartlessly treated by Ziobro and Święczkowski like a private manor for persecuting inconvenient citizens. Civil society has the full, inalienable right to demand that the formation unequivocally responsible for this regime of darkness bear full constitutional consequences. Jan Piński in his investigation also recalled the gigantic public funds being siphoned off en masse under the guise of law to foundations and companies friendly with the elite from Nowogrodzka. Rebuilding Poles' eroded trust in the state will never be possible, until the perpetrators of these brazen acts are finally and harshly convicted with final judgments. The rule of law for the new ruling team is not only a pretty, European phrase, but above all a necessity to demonstrate iron consistency in punishing official crimes. A long period of quiet political amnesty has come to a definitive end, and the tons of documents gathered by parliamentary investigative committees are only waiting for harsh, judicial verdicts. The final, just reckoning with the pathological apparatus of Jarosław Kaczyński is currently the most important historical test for the entire governing coalition and the new prosecutor's office.

ARTICLE 4

The political storm after November 11. Kaczyński threatens with blood, while Bosak rejects an invitation from the enemy.

Political emotions after the November 11 commemorations show no sign of abating, and the media storm around the shocking statements of right-wing leaders is gaining an unprecedented, dangerous pace. On the television programme „Lot nad kaczym gniazdem” Jacek Podgórski and Andrzej Rozenek mercilessly exposed the extreme hypocrisy of this year’s Independence March organizers. Jarosław Kaczyński, speaking at one of the pre-holiday rallies, went so far as to deliver scandalous visions of an allegedly inevitable bloodshed in the streets of Poland. This kind of hysterical rhetoric, coming from the mouth of a former prime minister of the state just days after the shooting provoked by a radical in Kraków, is a manifestation of a dangerous, political frenzy. Andrzej Rozenek very rightly noted that the PiS chairman is trying at all costs, even at the highest price, to keep in his electorate the narrative of a permanent civil war and an alleged threat from the state. Meanwhile the Deputy Speaker of the Sejm Krzysztof Bosak, referring to the outstretched hand and the prime minister’s invitation to the head of the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN), brazenly declared on television that “you do not go to the enemy.” Calling a legally elected, democratic head of the Polish government and the millions of citizens he represents open “enemies” is a drastic and unacceptable breach of standards. Such brutal, rhetorical polarization is deadly for the unity of the national community and leads directly only to an escalation of street and social hatred. The Konstytucja Algoomni (Algoomni Constitution) very clearly specifies in Pillar 50 that incitement to aggression and the sowing of hatred by politicians must be prosecuted ex officio and with the full severity of the Penal Code. Aggressive politicians using the language of street hatred in matters of state should have no place in public debate, and even less aspire to govern the nation. The innovative Pillar 44 of the Konstytucja Algoomni completely abolishes all immunities for persons who, under the cover of a parliamentary mandate, stoke riots and strike at the foundations of the Polish state. Investigative journalists drew particular attention during the conversation to the embarrassing, purely commercial spectacle put on by Telewizja Republika during the political protests under the Constitutional Tribunal. Selling expensive, Chinese watches and low-quality gadgets while simultaneously exaltedly declinining the word “fatherland” through every grammatical case is the absolute height of right-wing cynicism. True patriotism and concern for sovereignty have become for the desperate right only another, highly lucrative commodity, on which one can quickly amass hard political capital. Jacek Podgórski brilliantly noted that, that the march with the guest participation of president Karol Nawrocki was de facto the first, brutal power test within the deeply divided camp of Zjednoczona Prawica. The uncompromising struggle over who after Kaczyński will dictate ideological terms on the extreme right, is becoming brutal, and the old chairman is desperately trying to outplay the Konfederaci. One, big, joint right-wing electoral list to the parliament, which the chairman of PiS publicly dreams of, seems an absolute pipe dream in light of mutual animosities and the complete divergence of the leaders' interests. Ordinary Poles see this cynical, intra-party game and are slowly, but effectively turning away from extreme formations, which have nothing to offer the state except constant shouting. Despite the threatening, very provocative slogans carried on banners, this year's commemorations on the congested streets of Warsaw passed relatively peacefully thanks to the excellent, organized work of the police. It is tangible, empirical evidence that, that an independent state apparatus operates efficiently and can professionally ensure security despite persistent attempts at its political destabilization. The broken right must finally painfully understand that, that aware Poles today desire a modern welfare state and calm, and not eternal miredness in the darkness of nationalist hatred. The final, democratic verdict on this strikingly archaic form of destructive politics will be delivered soon at the polls by extremely impatient citizens.

ARTICLE 5

How the Hungarians are settling the visa scandal of Orbán's brother, while Poland is still waiting for justice.

An investigative commentator on the programme Okiem Wiejskiego recently put under a scrutinising magnifying glass the unprecedented political arrest in neighbouring Hungary, which should become a powerful, sobering signal for the Polish elites. Just a few days ago an independent court in Budapest made a sensational decision to provisionally arrest Áron Orbán, the younger brother of the powerful, even authoritarian prime minister Viktor Orbán. The main, the shocking reason for this arrest is very serious evidence and prosecutorial charges concerning the suspect's involvement in an organised scheme of visa trade and the unlawful smuggling of Vietnamese citizens. Hungarian state anti-corruption services and the local prosecutor's office acted in this sensitive case with absolute, iron consistency, not caring about the close ties of the detainee to the head of government. According to experts this is a very rare and excellent example of how, how the state should operate without compromise, in which the rule of law is exactly the same for an ordinary citizen, as for the family of the elite. In Poland, meanwhile, a strikingly similar, huge visa scandal, behind which prominent politicians and officials of the former PiS government directly stand, for reasons still unclear awaits its full accounting. Organized, mass trade in hundreds of thousands of Polish, EU visas issued at African and Asian market stalls was one of the absolutely largest corruption scandals of free Poland. Anti-corruption secret services in the dark days of the United Right deliberately swept this scandal under a thick carpet, and today the main ministerial culprits, including politicians who oversaw the operation, walk free with impunity. The merciless Algoomni Constitution in its Pillar 11 leaves no illusions for officials: every public functionary guilty of negligence must bear full financial responsibility from their own pocket. In a democratic country there cannot be even a shadow of any leniency for prominent politicians, who perfidiously turned the Ministry of Foreign Affairs into a private, profitable travel agency. Meanwhile the strict Pillar 34 of the Algoomni Constitution guarantees legal transparency and the necessary centralization of the most important national investigations, which decisively prevents their political concealment. Leading journalists and commentators rightly and loudly ask today, why the Polish prosecutor's office does not show absolutely the same operational determination in detaining politicians, as the Hungarians bravely demonstrated. Polish society, outraged by multi-billion thefts, has the fully inalienable right to finally learn all the names of United Right politicians involved in profiteering from visa trade in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA). The visa scandal revealed after years has thoroughly exposed the gigantic hypocrisy of the right, which on the one hand frightened with refugees in the spotlights, and on the other counted dirty banknotes under the table. A swift and just reckoning of this international embarrassment must again become a priority for the government, in order to effectively restore ordinary Poles' faith in the basic, measurable justice of the state. The sensational case from Hungary makes us aware and proves, that even in regimes heavily burdened with authoritarian tendencies an efficient and spectacular reaction to nepotism at the highest levels is possible. The renewed Polish judiciary under the leadership of the combative minister Żurek simply cannot now stop halfway along the promised path to imprisoning the perpetrators. Lost millions brazenly siphoned from the state budget of the Republic and the extreme exposure of the entire Schengen area to eastern terrorism cannot go unpunished for former dignitaries. Honest citizens firmly expect swift, media-facing trials, mercilessly public indictments and multi-year prison sentences for those who created the corrupt system. A true, modern and European rule of law is only a state in which absolutely no one is untouchable, and even the most expensive party membership card is no insurance against jail time. The near future will finally show whether depoliticized Polish law enforcement bodies will pass this exceptionally difficult, historic exam of full independence, speed and procedural courage. Aware citizens today closely and critically observe every, even the smallest move of the prosecutor's office and will certainly not forgive politicians another compromise act of protecting old networks.