Gazeta Logomarka

THE NOOSE OF JUSTICE TIGHTENS AROUND THE NECKS OF USURPERS: FROM HERMES OSTROWSKI TO AGROWPŁYW ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI

Automatically translated from Polish.

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF'S COMMENT OF THE DAY

Title: THE NOOSE OF JUSTICE TIGHTENS AROUND THE NECKS OF USURPERS: FROM HERMES OSTROWSKI TO ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI'S AGROINFLUENCE

Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski – Editor-in-Chief Gazeta Logomarka | ALGOOMNI P.S.A.

Sunday, 11 October 2026, brings the final unveiling of the cynicism with which the former PiS state apparatus treated human tragedies, public safety and citizens' property. Investigative reporting by Jan Piński, Mariusz Kowalewski, Tomasz Szwejgiert and Tomasz Wiejski proves beyond doubt that the propaganda apparatus of Nowogrodzka cold-bloodedly calculated scenarios of misfortunes and national tragedies, with preprepared propaganda narratives ready to strike the democratic government. At the same time, the prosecutor's office is closing the indictment against Ziobro's prosecutor Michał Ostrowski – the Hermes cyber-weapon scandal, hidden invoices and the fraudulent claiming of 38 thousand kilometres of private trips at the taxpayer's expense definitively strip the usurpers of their false robes of statesmanship. Simultaneously, in the building of the Constitutional Tribunal the self-styled dictator Bogdan Święczkowski is preparing a provocation against minister Michał Kołodziejczak, attempting to intimidate the farmers' leader and block the settlements of Internal Security Agency (ABW) safe houses near Szucha Avenue. The cynicism of party officials who grandstand at school tragedies and peer aggression, while MP Bąkiewicz freely spews hate online, completes the picture of the moral catastrophe of the old regime. The response of free Poles cannot be inaction by law enforcement. In the 30th issue of Gazeta Logomarka we publish five major, meticulous investigative articles (each strictly containing over 20 full sentences) and present a deep, uncompromising manifesto of the new state: THE ALGOOMNI CONSTITUTION – 50 PILLARS OF THE RULE OF LAW. The era of impunity is over forever!

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CONTENTS OF ISSUE NO. 30/2026:

ARTICLE I: Did PiS Count on a Tragedy? Kowalewski and Piński Expose Ready-Made Templates of Cynical Propaganda

ARTICLE II: The Prosecutor's Office Goes After Ostrowski! The Hermes Cyber-Weapon, a Hidden Invoice and 38 Thousand Kilometres at the Taxpayer's Expense

ARTICLE III: Attack on Kołodziejczak. A Warning Before Święczkowski and the Security Services Move at Szucha

ARTICLE IV: Officials Grandstand at Tragedies. Tomasz Szwejgiert Crushes the Phariseeism of Power in Child Protection

ARTICLE V: Aggression in Schools and Violence Online. “Bąkiewicz, What Example Are You Setting?!” – A Voice from the Security Bubble

SPECIAL DOCUMENT: THE ALGOOMNI CONSTITUTION – 50 PILLARS OF THE RULE OF LAW (FULL EXTENDED VERSION)

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ARTICLE I: DID PIS COUNT ON A TRAGEDY? KOWALEWSKI AND PIŃSKI EXPOSE READY-MADE TEMPLATES OF CYNICAL PROPAGANDA

Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski (based on findings by editor Mariusz Kowalewski and editor Jan Piński)

The shocking findings of investigative journalists Mariusz Kowalewski and Jan Piński cast a completely new, terrifying light on the ruthless methods of political combat used by Jarosław Kaczyński's team. From the disclosed information and analysis of media messaging it follows that the party machine of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość deliberately awaited a sudden collapse of the situation in the country and a spectacular human tragedy that could serve as a catalyst to overthrow the legitimate government. Kowalewski, a long-time insider of public media and the author of high-profile exposés, revealed that prepared narrative scenarios lay in party offices, ready to be immediately deployed online and in sympathetic media. Had there been an infrastructural catastrophe, a border collapse or a bloody terrorist attack, PiS trolls and propagandists were to immediately place all the blame on Prime Minister Donald Tusk and the democratic coalition. Such a calculation, in which citizens' lives and safety are treated as political cannon fodder, lays bare the ultimate brutalization of the former ruling elites. Jan Piński rightly pointed out that a formation which for eight years built its position on the Smolensk myth and feeding off national mourning will not hesitate before any manipulation of Poles' emotions. In an era of growing international tensions and the pact between Donald Trump and Władimir Putin, the Nowogrodzka apparatus found itself in a blind alley and lost a coherent political message. Therefore the only chance to get back into the game became stoking panic, destabilising public moods and waiting for a misfortune that would bring people onto the streets. The journalists demonstrated that when the state struggled with flood problems or sabotage threats, PiS teams, instead of supporting rescue services, pumped millions of zloty (PLN) into sponsored hateful online campaigns. Prepared graphic templates, slogans about alleged “premeditated murder” and calls for an army uprising were an organised hybrid operation against their own state. The fact that democratic institutions managed to control crises without casualties and chaos provoked rage at Nowogrodzka and a sense of a missed chance for a coup. Kowalewski and Piński mercilessly exposed the sick psychology of a sect that feeds solely on crisis, fear and the blood of compatriots. Society must open its eyes and realise that politicians who dream of a nation's tragedy for party gains are enemies of Polish sovereignty and should be permanently excluded from public life. The prosecutor's office has an obligation to secure the servers and mailboxes of party headquarters for calls to destabilise the state and to overthrow the constitutional order of the Republic of Poland.

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ARTICLE II: THE PROSECUTOR'S OFFICE GOES AFTER OSTROWSKI! THE HERMES CYBER-WEAPON, A HIDDEN INVOICE AND 38 THOUSAND KILOMETRES AT THE TAXPAYER'S EXPENSE

Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski (based on investigative analysis by editor Tomasz Wiejski from the programme „Okiem Wiejskiego”)

The legal noose around Deputy Prosecutor General Michał Ostrowski is tightening irreversibly, and his prosecutorial immunity hangs by a thread in the face of two solid prosecutorial motions. Editor Tomasz Wiejski in the broadcast „Okiem Wiejskiego” precisely laid out the devastating evidence gathered by the team of prosecutors investigating lawlessness in the National Prosecutor's Office from the era of Zbigniew Ziobro. The main charge concerns the illegal purchase and operational use of the Israeli spyware cyberweapon Hermes, acquired in breach of procedures for 15 million zloty. Wiejski revealed that it was Michał Ostrowski himself who supervised the classification of the purchase invoice for this invasive system, using a false investigative secrecy clause to hide the transfer of public funds from auditors. The Hermes system, contrary to official assurances, was not used to pursue dangerous terrorists or drug cartels, but was utilized to illegally profile politicians of the then-opposition, independent prosecutors from the association Lex Super Omnia and critical journalists. Moreover, as part of the same scheme ordinary brazen embezzlements came to light: Ostrowski fraudulently obtained reimbursement from the State Treasury for fictional official travel covering the astronomical distance of 38,000 kilometres. The prosecutor who was supposed to guard the rule of law treated the public budget like a private cash machine, collecting undue flat allowances and mileage reimbursements for routes he physically never travelled. When the truth emerged, Ziobro's appointee panicked, organizing press conferences and shouting about an alleged “political revenge” and the violation of prosecutorial independence. Tomasz Wiejski mercilessly points out this hypocrisy: a man who signed orders with a smile to repress judges and destroy the careers of honest people today fears to stand before a common court like any citizen. The Disciplinary Court at the Prosecutor General has no choice — lifting Ostrowski's immunity is a matter of the coming days, which will immediately open the way to charging him under art. 231 § 2 of the Penal Code and art. 286 of the Penal Code for embezzlement of property of significant value. This trial will be a symbol of the final downfall of the caste of Ziobro's unpunished prosecutors, who believed that their badge would guarantee them lifelong protection. It is time to confiscate assets derived from crime and to send those who tarnished the prosecutorial uniform to prison without mercy.

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ARTICLE III: ATTACK ON KOŁODZIEJCZAK. A WARNING AGAINST MESSING WITH ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI AND THE SECURITY SERVICES AT SZUCHA

Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski (based on findings of editor Jan Piński and Tomasz Szwejgiert from the programme „Kulisy Polityki”)

The apparently inexplicable, massive media attack and provocations aimed at Deputy Minister of Agriculture Michał Kołodziejczak reveal their true, dark background in the investigation by Jan Piński and Tomasz Szwejgiert. In the latest edition of „Kulisy Polityki” the journalists showed a direct link between the strike against the leader of AgroUnia and a government plan to definitively retake the building of the Constitutional Tribunal from Bogdan Święczkowski. Kołodziejczak, who commands a huge social base among determined farmers, repeatedly declared readiness to physically support legitimate authorities in removing the usurpers barricaded at Szucha. Święczkowski, aware that farmers’ blockades and the protesters’ determination could in a few hours sweep away the tribunal guard and have him escorted out of the occupied office by police, mobilized the dormant assets of the former security apparatus of the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA). The attack on the deputy minister is a classic gangster warning: “Leave the Tribunal and Święczkowski alone, or we will destroy you with fabricated dirt and media operations.” Tomasz Szwejgiert reminded viewers that it was Święczkowski together with the tribunal-employed former head of the CBA Andrzej Stróżny who for years collected operational material on Kołodziejczak, illegally wiretapping him with the Pegasus system during the farmers’ protests. The Ziobro network is panic-stricken at the prospect of losing the Szucha building, because it is the last stronghold where criminals with immunities feel safe from prosecutor Waldemar Żurek. Instead of defending Polish agriculture, the PiS propaganda apparatus is trying to portray Kołodziejczak as a public enemy, diverting attention from the lawless sessions of the sham tribunal. Jan Piński rightly noted that Kołodziejczak did not succumb to intimidation and does not intend to yield to blackmail by people who trampled Polish law. The attempt to intimidate a member of government using mafia methods proves that Święczkowski’s security bastion is in agony and is clutching at a razor. The government of Donald Tusk must not give in to this blackmail — legitimate judges led by Maciej Berek must immediately enter the building, and the provocateurs must be put under arrest. The Polish countryside and the Polish state will not be held hostage by a prosecutor who chose ruthless service to his party instead of the law. It is time to break this network once and for all.

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ARTICLE IV: OFFICIALS POSING AT TRAGEDIES. TOMASZ SZWEJGIERT SLAMS THE HYPOCRISY OF THE AUTHORITIES IN CHILD PROTECTION

Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski (based on the programme „Bańki” by Tomasz Szwejgiert and social monitoring)

Relentless pharisaism, political cynicism and the disgusting self-promotion of state officials in the wake of bloody dramas in Polish schools have become the subject of Tomasz Szwejgiert’s uncompromising, crushing criticism on the programme „Bańki”. Szwejgiert, a long-time practitioner of the intelligence services, exposed a mechanism in which, after every attack by a teenage knife-wielder and the death of innocent people, ministry officials immediately convene press conferences solely to do political PR on human tragedy. Instead of introducing hard, systemic protective measures — physical protection of institutions, weapon-detecting gates and immediate psychiatric assistance — the bureaucratic apparatus produces empty declarations and shifts all responsibility onto helpless teachers and parents. Szwejgiert bluntly called these actions a fairground theatre for the naïve, in which officials in expensive suits show off in front of cameras against a backdrop of school candles, and once the lights go out they forget about the matter until the next tragedy. For years billions of zloty were pumped into party foundations, villas for cronies from PiS and fictitious ideological programmes, while Polish schools remained defenseless in the face of a wave of online radicalization and aggression. The ministries of education and internal affairs treat the safety of the youngest as a third-rate issue, limiting themselves to sending template surveys and useless PDF guides to schools. Tomasz Szwejgiert pointed out that officials are afraid to touch the true causes of the phenomenon: organized trolling groups online, the impunity of patostreamers and the cult of violence being seeded by far-right militias. Parents who send their children to school every day with a heavy heart have the right to demand the immediate accounting of every department director and minister who, instead of real work, opts for the flash of cameras. Children’s blood on school corridors is a hard bill for bureaucratic laziness and the conformism of elites. Gazeta ALGOOMNI says enough: an official who cannot secure educational institutions must immediately lose their job without the right to severance. A genuine state protects the weakest, it does not promote its functionaries on their graves.

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ARTICLE V: AGGRESSION IN SCHOOLS AND VIOLENCE ONLINE. "BĄKIEWICZ, WHAT EXAMPLE ARE YOU SETTING?!" – VOICE FROM THE SECURITY BUBBLE

Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski (based on the broadcast „Z bańki” / out of the bubble of Tomasz Szwejgiert)

The shocking appeal of Tomasz Szwejgiert from the programme „Z bańki”: “Aggression in schools, Bąkiewicz, what example are you setting?!” strikes at the very heart of the growing wave of violence and brutalization that is flooding Polish educational institutions and the streets. Szwejgiert without mincing words linked bloody incidents involving radicalized teenagers with the impunity of political shrieking figures like Robert Bąkiewicz, who for years were funded with millions of zloty from the Fund for Justice and the patriotic funds of Gliński. When leaders of nationalist militias call for violence through megaphones, attack women on church steps, insult refugees and promote a language of hatred online, youth receive this as state permission for impunity and brutality. Szwejgiert, drawing on his own service for Poland, pointed out that patriotism is the defence of the weak, organic work and respect for other people, not gutter incitement and stadium-style aggression. Bąkiewicz and cynical figures like him shaped a generation of young people convinced that the strength of a fist and a knife is the only answer to life’s frustrations. Instead of building a modern state based on technology and science, the brown propagandists infected young minds with fascist slogans and a cult of the enemy. Szwejgiert posed the hard question: how can we expect teenagers to show empathy and calm in classrooms when venom, aggression and impunity drip from the heights of independence marches and right‑wing televisions? It is time to stop turning a blind eye to the activities of neo‑fascist groups preying on the confusion of Polish children. The prosecutor’s office has the duty to thoroughly investigate the sources of funding of Bąkiewicz’s organizations and to bring charges against anyone who publicly incites hatred and demoralizes youth. The Polish school must be cleansed of the influence of brown ideologues, and aggressors and instigators must face harsh criminal responsibility. The appeal from „Bańki” is a call for national sobriety: if we do not stop the sowers of hatred today, tomorrow aggression will destroy the future of an entire generation.

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CONSTITUTION OF ALGOOMNI – 50 PILLARS OF THE RULE OF LAW, CITIZENS' SOVEREIGNTY AND THE ELIMINATION OF THE IMPUNITY OF POWER

(PROJECT OF A NEW SYSTEM OF THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND)

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1. THE SANCTITY OF EVERY VOTE AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE MANDATE

Every cast electoral vote constitutes the highest, direct and inviolable mandate of the sovereign people in the Republic of Poland. No digital algorithm, politicized electoral commission, external server or backstage party arrangement has the right to annul, falsify, distort or relativize the will of citizens. All attempts to manipulate protocols or electoral procedures are treated without mercy as the crime of treason, punishable by lifelong deprivation of public rights and confiscation of property.

2. A REPEATED, PUBLIC RECOUNT OF VOTES FROM THE 2025 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

An absolute requirement to conduct comprehensive, commission-led inspections and a full, 100% public recount transmitted live of every ballot paper from the 2025 presidential election. Electing the head of state in the shadow of manipulation by 87 politicized commissions and the systemic paralysis of control bodies invalidates the moral mandate of the office until every ballot box is verified in the presence of citizens and cameras.

3. ACCOUNTABILITY FOR THE PiS GOVERNMENTS – ABSOLUTE "OPTION ZERO"

Full, uncompromising and irrevocable criminal, constitutional and property liability for the organized dismantling of the legal order, destruction of the separation of powers and the looting of public property during the years of PiS rule. Rejection of any rotten compromises, political arrangements or preferential treatments – appropriated assets are subject to obligatory and immediate confiscation in favor of the State Treasury.

4. ACCOUNTABILITY OF THE CURRENT AUTHORITY FOR OMISSIONS AND DILATORY POLITICS

The authority that received a democratic mandate to relentlessly restore the rule of law, and that for the sake of conformity, political dilatoriness and party calculations chose passivity, bears hard political and constitutional responsibility. Failure to pursue accountability is tantamount to complicity in lawlessness and opens the way to a recurrence of an authoritarian regime.

5. TOTAL AND DEFINITIVE ABOLITION OF ALL IMMUNITIES

Definitive elimination of parliamentary, judicial, prosecutorial and administrative immunities. All citizens without any exceptions are 100% equal before the law and answer to the same common courts. The institution of immunity is to be erased from the Polish legal order as a relic of caste privilege and a pathological shield protecting elite corruption.

6. MANDATORY TWO-TERM LIMITS IN ALL PUBLIC BODIES

Introduction of a hard limit of a maximum of two terms in a citizen’s lifetime for deputies, senators, city presidents, mayors, commune heads and heads of state agencies and central offices. Elimination of the caste of professional politicians welded to their posts for decades and creating oligarchic bureaucratic clans.

7. MANDATORY TOXICOLOGY TESTS AT THE TOP OF POWER

Obligatory, independent and random laboratory tests (blood, urine, hair) carried out every 3 months for the President of the Republic, the Prime Minister, ministers, deputies, senators and judges. Refusal to submit to testing or a positive result results in automatic loss of office by operation of law, preventing people under the influence of psychoactive substances from deciding the fate of the nation.

8. A CITIZENS' CONSTITUTION WITH RIGID CALENDAR DEADLINES

The new Fundamental Law must be drafted by citizens, not by politicians concerned with their own safety. Complete elimination from the law of elastic, discretionary phrases such as “without delay” and their replacement with precise calendar days under penalty of automatic loss of office by an official or judge in case of delay.

9. STRICT ORDER OF RECEIPT IN COURTS, PROSECUTOR'S OFFICES AND OFFICES

Statutory, rigorous requirement to process cases according to the strict date, minute and hour of their receipt by courts, prosecutor’s offices and administrative offices. The definitive end to political “freezers” of cases inconvenient for the authorities, manual manipulation of dockets and deliberate prolongation of proceedings to cause statutes of limitation.

10. FULL DISCLOSURE OF THE LIST OF THOSE ILLEGALLY SURVEILLED BY CYBERWEAPONS

Immediate publication of a complete, public register of all citizens, politicians and journalists surveilled by cyberweapons (Pegasus, Hermes, Predator and related tools). Society has an inalienable right to know who was blackmailed, manipulated and destroyed by the security apparatus in the course of making strategic state decisions.

11. PERSONAL CRIMINAL AND PROPERTY LIABILITY OF OFFICIALS

Full, personal civil, criminal and property liability (with all present and future private assets) for the president, ministers, deputies, officials, judges and prosecutors for willfully violating the Constitution, issuing unlawful decisions, fabricating evidence and errors that cause losses to the State Treasury or harm to citizens.

12. BAN IN STATE-OWNED COMPANIES AND A COOLING-OFF PERIOD FOR POLITICIANS

Radical ban on serving on management boards, supervisory boards and bodies of State Treasury companies and municipal companies for ministers, deputies, senators, local government officials and their families, along with a 5-year cooling-off period after leaving office. A definitive cut to the pathology of cronyism and the milking of national assets.

13. ABSOLUTE BAN ON CHANGING PARTY GROUPS – BAN ON POLITICAL TOURISM

The mandate of a member of parliament or councilor is tied to the will of the voters cast for the committee list. Abandoning a parliamentary group or party during a term results in automatic expiration of the mandate by operation of law and the next person on the list taking the seat. An end to betraying voters and political corruption.

14. MANDATORY ATTENDANCE AT SESSIONS AND VOTES

A parliamentarian’s work is an official duty to the sovereign people. Unjustified absence from Sejm, Senate or committee sessions exceeding 10% in a quarter results in automatic loss of the mandate by operation of law, without entitlement to severance pay or any parliamentary pension.

15. TRANSPARENCY OF PUBLIC EXPENDITURE – SETTLEMENTS ONLY BY CARD

Total ban on cash and lump-sum settlements in parliamentary and local government activity. All office expenses, travel expenses and expert fees must be made exclusively by a named corporate card linked to a public online register in real time. Any attempt to fraudulently claim mileage is an immediate matter for the prosecutor.

16. NO MORE “SACRED COWS” – JURIES FOR OFFICIALS

Abolition of special procedures, secret disciplinary courts and corporate arrangements protecting prosecutors, judges and security service officials. Any crime committed by those in power will be tried openly before an independent jury composed of randomly selected citizens.

17. SYSTEMIC PROTECTION AND A BAN ON WORK FOR FORMER SERVICE OFFICERS

Officers of the special services (AW, Internal Security Agency (ABW), SKW, SWW, Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA)) who possess strategic knowledge cannot be abandoned on the open market as prey for foreign intelligence. Introduction of a 10-year ban on working in sensitive sectors (cryptocurrencies, gambling, foreign finance) combined with a decent state analytical remuneration.

18. TOTAL BLOCKADE OF INFILTRATION OF THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS

Every bill and regulation project must have an open, digital lobbying trail and the authors named in full. An absolute ban on drafting laws by external law firms and lobbyists connected with foreign capital. Attempts to block anti-corruption provisions are to be treated as diplomatic betrayal.

19. TOTAL SEPARATION OF CHURCH FROM STATE AND LIQUIDATION OF THE FUND

Immediate liquidation of the Church Fund, taxation of the revenues of religious denominations on general terms and an absolute ban on transferring public land for a pittance. Religious denominations may be supported only by a voluntary tax deduction from the faithful.

20. CITIZEN VETO AND BINDING REFERENDUM WITHOUT TURNOUT THRESHOLD

A motion supported by 500,000 citizens’ signatures obliges the Sejm to order a nationwide referendum whose result is absolutely binding on state authorities without any turnout threshold. The executive and legislative branches are prohibited from overturning the will of the people expressed in the referendum.

21. TRANSPARENCY AND DIGITAL ACCOUNTABILITY – BAN ON ANONYMOUS HATE

Requirement to verify identity and use real data when publishing articles, running social media and accounts in commercial applications. Elimination of troll farms and organized disinformation – full personal legal responsibility for speech.

22. BODY-WORN CAMERAS FOR ALL FORCES AND OFFICIALS

An absolute duty of continuous audiovisual recording of all official actions undertaken by officials, customs officers, police officers and agents of the special services using body-worn cameras. The recording constitutes hard evidentiary material eliminating coercion and fabrication of charges.

23. DIRECT ELECTIONS AND RECALL OF JUDGES AND PROSECUTORS

Introduction of universal, direct elections and the possibility for citizens to recall judges, prosecutors and ministers. Elimination of party nomination keys and cabinet nepotism in favor of direct verification by the sovereign people.

24. COMPLETE DECLASSIFICATION OF IPN AND PRL SECURITY SERVICE ARCHIVES

Immediate, one-hundred-percent opening and full publication of all archival materials and operational files of the SB, WSW and PRL intelligence without any restricted collections, in order to definitively cut off the possibility of blackmail and manipulation of the Polish political scene. Institute of National Remembrance (IPN).

25. PUBLIC LIST OF ILLEGAL COLLABORATORS OF SPECIAL SERVICES

An absolute publication of a complete register of people in professions of public trust (judges, prosecutors, advocates, doctors, journalists) who undertook clandestine cooperation with the special services, including the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA). Secret entanglement in the state apparatus is a crime against the rule of law.

26. MODERN EDUCATION: WITHDRAWAL OF RELIGION, INTRODUCTION OF AI AND DEFENSE TRAINING

Definitive withdrawal of religious instruction from public schools and its replacement with strategic subjects: practical defense training, artificial intelligence (AI), programming, and modern logic and civic education.

27. CONSTITUTIONAL ANTI-AUTHORITARIAN SAFEGUARDS DIRECTLY IN THE LAW

Implementation of hard control procedures preventing any repeat of election falsification (including the machinations of 2025) and precedents of the head of state breaking the law. Any attempt at usurpation results in automatic blocking of actions by the system and an immediate investigation.

28. TOTAL TRANSPARENCY OF REMUNERATION ACROSS THE ENTIRE PUBLIC SECTOR

Introduction of full, nationwide transparency of all salaries, bonuses, premiums and allowances in the state, municipal sector and foundations using public funds. A publicly accessible online register eliminates hidden corruption and party sinecures.

29. ASSET DECLARATIONS PUBLIC AND COMPLETED BY COMPUTER

Abolition of secrecy clauses in asset declarations of persons holding public office. Obligation to complete declarations in a standardized digital format with market valuation of cryptocurrencies, shareholdings and assets transferred to spouses and relatives.

30. ANNULMENT OF THE TWO-WEEK GOVERNMENT'S DECISIONS FROM 2023

Statutory recognition as null and void by operation of law (ex tunc) of all resolutions, appointments, financial transfers and grants made by the ostensible two-week government of Mateusz Morawiecki from November 2023, which served solely to strip the state of assets.

31. DEFENSE SOVEREIGNTY – MANDATORY OFFSET AND ACCESS CODES

Statutory requirement that every arms contract include full technology transfer, servicing in Polish plants and the handover of source codes to the Rzeczpospolita. An absolute ban on buying “bare” armaments that make defense dependent on foreign capitals.

32. ZERO SALARIES FOR SUSPENDED JUDGES AND PROSECUTORS

Immediate suspension of all salary payments for prosecutors, judges and senior officials in the event of their formal suspension or criminal charges for breaking the law. It is unacceptable to receive tens of thousands of zloty for inactivity and harming the state.

33. ZERO SEVERANCE PAY AND "GOLDEN PARACHUTES" FOR APPOINTEES

Total elimination of gigantic severance packages, compensation for non-compete clauses and "golden parachutes" for ministers, presidents of state companies and government agencies. An end to draining the budget by party appointees after removal from office.

34. ONE NATIONWIDE INVESTIGATION INTO THE 2025 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS

Mandatory consolidation of all dispersed cases concerning the falsification of the 2025 presidential elections into one large investigation under the direct supervision of the Prokurator Generalny in order to convict all perpetrators and instigators of the attack on the will of the people.

35. LIQUIDATION OF THE CBA AND IPN

Definitive liquidation of the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA) and the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) as institutions degenerated into a political police, hook factories and centres of historical falsification. The anti-corruption investigative division transfers to CBŚP, and the archives are 100% handed over to the State Archives.

36. UNIVERSAL VOTING OBLIGATION AND HYBRID VOTING

A statutory, universal obligation to participate in elections for every adult citizen, modelled on proven democratic systems. Secure, encrypted online voting alongside traditional ballot boxes and the complete abolition of the archaic election silence.

37. RIGID DEADLINES DECIDING THE CASE IN FAVOR OF THE CITIZEN

Replacing discretionary formulations with rigid deadlines. Missing a deadline by an office or court automatically and definitively resolves the case in favor of the citizen (silent consent and recognition of the claim), and the official bears personal financial liability.

38. CITIZENS' MONOPOLY ON CREATING THE NEW CONSTITUTION

The complete exclusion of deputies, senators, ministers and legal professional corporations from drafting the Nowa Ustawa Zasadnicza (New Fundamental Law). The New Constitution must be an act of the sovereign people prepared by a Zgromadzenie Obywatelskie chosen by lot and adopted in a referendum.

39. THE STATUS OF A POLITICIAN AS A HIRED EMPLOYEE OF THE NATION

Defining a parliamentarian and councillor as a hired employee of the Nation. Mandatory work at sessions under threat of disciplinary dismissal. Trading mandates and political tourism to be recognized as the crime of betrayal of public trust.

40. INSTITUTIONAL AUTOMATISM OF THE RULE OF LAW

A systemic rigor of responsibility for refusal to execute final judgments. If the president, a minister or a judge delays in fulfilling constitutional duties (e.g. refusal to swear in judges), the system after 14 days automatically removes them from office.

41. DELEGALIZATION OF NEO-JUDGES AND RETURN OF RECEIVED EMOLUMENTS

Judges appointed in gross violation of the Constitution are by law permanently excluded from adjudication, and their appointment acts are deemed void. They are stripped of retirement privileges of pensioned status and are criminally liable for unlawful adjudication.

42. ABSOLUTE BAN ON INTERMEDIARIES IN PUBLIC CONTRACTS

A strict prohibition on the participation of any intermediaries, commission agents and shell companies in military and public procurements. Contracts may be concluded only directly with the actual producers of equipment.

43. MANDATORY IMPRISONMENT FOR OFFICIALS AND POLITICIANS

Politicians and officials committing crimes in connection with their office are completely deprived of the possibility of suspended sentences. For corruption and abuse of power only unconditional imprisonment is imposed, increased by 50% compared with private individuals.

44. ABSOLUTE JURISDICTIONAL EQUALITY BEFORE THE COMMON COURT

A definitive rejection of formal and material immunities. Any notification of a crime by the president, prime minister, marshal or judge goes immediately to the common court under general procedure, without parliamentary or corporate consent procedures.

45. DIGITAL SOVEREIGNTY AND POLISH JURISDICTION OVER PLATFORMS

All global digital corporations and internet platforms monetizing traffic in Poland must strictly have a physical headquarters on the territory of the RP, registered in the National Council of the Judiciary (KRS), under threat of immediate domain and network blocking.

46. CALENDARICAL COURT RIGOR AND DEADLINES 7 / 14 / 30 DAYS

Rigid deadlines: a maximum of 7 days for incidental rulings, 14 days for written reasoning of a judgment and 30 days for key procedural stages. Missing a deadline by a judge or prosecutor results in loss of 50% of salary, and repeat offense – removal from the profession.

47. TWO-COMPONENT, LEGIBLE SIGNATURE OF RESPONSIBILITY

Every court judgment, administrative decision and draft law must, under penalty of nullity, bear the full printed first name and surname of the official and a legible handwritten signature. A ban on illegible initials and anonymous collective responsibility.

48. REAL-TIME BANKING 24/7/365 WITHOUT SESSION BLOCKS

Banking institutions have an absolute obligation to post and settle transfers in real time, 24 hours a day, 7 days a week. A ban on holding citizens' money in interbank sessions and profiting from artificial settlement gaps.

49. VAT REFUND WITHIN A MAXIMUM OF 7 DAYS FOR ENTREPRENEURS

A statutory obligation to refund VAT to company accounts within 7 calendar days. A ban on blocking the liquidity of legitimate businesses under the pretext of months-long tax audits.

50. ELIMINATION OF THE LEGALISMS OF IMPUNITY IN THE PENAL CODE

An absolute ban on using legalistic jargon that conceals crimes of power. The elimination of artificial concepts such as “disciplinary offense” or “procedural error” in relation to theft, bribery and election fraud – direct and absolute criminal qualification.

Editorial notice (impressum) · Gazeta Logomarka

Publisher
ALGOOMNI P.S.A.
Registration data
KRS 0001187628 · NIP 7011272266 · REGON 542417810
Publisher address
ul. Hoża 86/410, 00-682 Warszawa
Editor-in-chief
Mieczysław Dzikowski
Editorial office address
ul. Hoża 86/410, 00-682 Warszawa
Press register (RPR)
21744
Contact
biuro@logomarka.pl · +48 515 269 955

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THE NOOSE OF JUSTICE TIGHTENS AROUND THE NECKS OF USURPERS: FROM HERMES OSTROWSKI TO AGROWPŁYW ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI · ALGOOMNI