THEY FEAR PRISON! APPLICATION FOR ARREST FOR OBAJTEK, CRIMINAL CHARGES FOR "GODZILLA" ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI, DISTANCING FROM BRAUN AND THE FALL OF NAWROCKA'S DICTATORIAL SWARMS

GENERAL EDITION TITLE:

THEY ARE AFRAID OF PRISON! A REQUEST FOR ARREST FOR OBAJTEK, CRIMINAL CHARGES FOR „GODZILLA” ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI, DISTANCING FROM BRAUN AND THE FALL OF NAWROCKI'S DICTATORIAL DELUSIONS

COMMENT OF THE DAY:

Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski (Editor-in-Chief Gazeta ALGOOMNI)

Dear Citizens, Readers of Gazeta ALGOOMNI, Free Poles!

Friday morning, 16 October 2026, brings the Republic an image of total panic within the ranks of the former ruling camp, which has finally realized that jokes and political evasions are definitively over. As Jan Piński and Tomasz Szwejgiert aptly summarized it: they are simply mortally afraid of prison! Attorney General Waldemar Żurek has sent to the European Parliament an uncompromising request to lift immunity and grant permission for the provisional arrest of Daniel Obajtek, who faces from 5 to 25 years of imprisonment for massive fuel sabotage and losses at Orlen. At the same time, the era of impunity for Bogdan “Godzilla” Święczkowski on Szucha Avenue has come to an end – following a complaint filed by judge Maciej Berek for violation of bodily integrity, SOP protection and a prosecutor are preparing to admit the legally appointed judges of the Constitutional Tribunal (TK), and the former henchman of Ziobro faces charges of a coup attempt.

At the same time, lawyer Roman Giertych with a powerful cry of “Down with Karol the dictator!” crushes Karol Nawrocki's delusions of sole rule, reminding alongside the Venice Commission and minister Radosław Sikorski that the president does not govern Poland and has no right to block the swearing-in of judges. On Nowogrodzka Street, a festival of hypocrisy is underway: Jarosław Kaczyński officially distances himself from the extremes, while PiS people quietly organize a campaign for Grzegorz Braun, and the investigative noose tightens around the president's right-hand man, Michał Moskal. In response to this constitutional decay, Gazeta ALGOOMNI publishes a full 50-point Manifesto: the ALGOOMNI Constitution – 50 Pillars of the Rule of Law. We abolish immunities, introduce unconditional prison for corrupt politicians and restore full power to the sovereign people. The era of impunity is over!

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CONTENTS OF ISSUE NO. 35/2026 (16.10.2026):

1. ARTICLE I: THEY ARE AFRAID OF PRISON! PIŃSKI AND SZWEJGIERT ON PANIC IN PIS AFTER THE ENTRY OF JUDGES INTO THE TRIBUNAL

2. ARTICLE II: „GODZILLA” ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI WILL FACE ADDITIONAL CHARGES: PROSECUTOR AND SOP ENTER THE TK!

3. ARTICLE III: OBAJTEK TO GO BEHIND BARS! ŻUREK'S REQUEST TO THE EP – HE FACES 5 TO 25 YEARS IN PRISON

4. ARTICLE IV: DOWN WITH KAROL THE DICTATOR! ROMAN GIERTYCH CRUSHES NAWROCKI'S USURPATIONS: “THERE WILL BE NO DICTATORSHIP!”

5. ARTICLE V: GIERTYCH TO KACZYŃSKI: “DESTROY THE LETTERS!” – THE VENICE COMMISSION CHECKS NAWROCKI'S HOMEWORK

6. ARTICLE VI: WE REVEAL! KACZYŃSKI DISTANCES HIMSELF, WHILE PIS PEOPLE RUN A CAMPAIGN FOR BRAUN – PIŃSKI'S AND KOWALEWSKI'S INVESTIGATION

7. ARTICLE VII: SENSATIONAL SCENARIO REGARDING ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI: ATTORNEY ROSATI AND SZWEJGIERT ON A COUP IN THE TRIBUNAL

8. ARTICLE VIII: THIS COULD BE THE END OF MOSKAL! THE CAREER OF THE PRESIDENT'S PET AND THE BACKROOM OF BIELAN'S OPERATION AGAINST KOSINIAK

CONSTITUTIONAL MANIFESTO: THE ALGOOMNI CONSTITUTION – ALL 50 PILLARS OF THE RULE OF LAW (COMPLETE EXPANSION 1–50)

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ARTICLE I: THEY ARE AFRAID OF PRISON! PIŃSKI AND SZWEJGIERT ON PANIC IN PIS AFTER THE ENTRY OF JUDGES INTO THE TRIBUNAL

(Based on the broadcast: Jan Piński and Tomasz Szwejgiert – “[LIVE] They are afraid of prison!”)

The latest investigative broadcast by journalists Jan Piński and Tomasz Szwejgiert, bluntly titled "They Are Afraid of Prisons!", reveals the psychological and political collapse that has engulfed the leadership of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość after losing control over the Constitutional Tribunal. For the past two years the entire defensive strategy of Jarosław Kaczyński, Zbigniew Ziobro and their acolytes was based on the belief that the barricaded building on Szucha Avenue under the leadership of Bogdan Święczkowski would block any accountability law and annul the judgments of common courts. The taking of the oath by judge Maciej Berek before Sejm Marshal Włodzimierz Czarzasty and the announcement of bringing further properly elected judges into office swept that last protective wall to dust. Piński and Szwejgiert indicate that on Nowogrodzka and in the homes of former ministers a primal fear of being targets of investigative arrests has taken hold. Right-wing politicians have realized that Karol Nawrocki has turned out to be a powerless figurehead whose stomping and threats no longer make any impression on the government of Donald Tusk and Minister Waldemar Żurek. In parliamentary corridors PiS MPs are feverishly asking lawyers about extradition procedures and possibilities of fleeing to countries outside the jurisdiction of the European Arrest Warrant. Szwejgiert emphasizes that this panic is fully justified: at the National Prosecutor's Office dozens of motions to lift immunities in the RARS, Fundusz Sprawiedliwości, NCBR and Pegasus cases are ready. When the myth of the Święczkowski network's indestructibility collapsed, successive mid-level officials lined up at prosecutors' offices to obtain the status of minor crown witness and implicate their former patrons. Fear of prison paralyzes PiS's ability to conduct any rational political activity, turning the party into a group of terrified suspects fighting for survival. For years they told their voters they were above the law, and today they tremble at the sound of every doorbell at six in the morning. The investigative journalists remind us that the scale of looting of public property in 2015–2023 has no precedent in Poland's postwar history. No political incantations or prayers on Rydzyk's and Sakiewicz's television stations will stop the juggernaut of justice that has just set off at full force. Nawrocki no longer has any legal tools to protect party colleagues from final judgments, because the right of clemency does not cover people convicted by the Tribunal of State nor does it block preparatory proceedings after regaining the Constitutional Tribunal. Within the PiS parliamentary club a revolt against Kaczyński is growing, whose mistaken calculations led the formation to a complete constitutional catastrophe. Politicians who blindly followed orders from Nowogrodzka realize they have been thrown to the wolves, while the party elite try to save their own accounts. Jan Piński aptly notes that the only cement still holding this camp together is the shared fear of criminal responsibility. But when the first prominent figures end up behind the bars of investigative detention, the mafia-like solidarity will crumble within a day. Civil society expects the prosecution not to lose momentum and to bring every thief of public money before an independent court. The Konstytucja ALGOOMNI in Pillars 3 and 43 guarantees that there will be no suspended sentences or special treatment for criminals in suits. The time of impunity is over, and the only place where former dignitaries will be able to make their statements is in courtrooms.

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ARTICLE II: "GODZILLA" ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI WILL FACE ADDITIONAL CHARGES: PROSECUTOR AND SOP ENTER THE CONSTITUTIONAL TRIBUNAL!

(Based on the analysis of Tomasz Wiejski – "Okiem Wiejskiego" (Through Wiejski's Eye) and reports from the Prosecutor's Office)

The events of 14 and 15 October 2026 in the building of the Constitutional Tribunal set off a legal-criminal avalanche that is directly aimed at physically leading Bogdan Święczkowski out in handcuffs. As Tomasz Wiejski reveals on the programme „Okiem Wiejskiego”, Święczkowski’s disgraceful behaviour toward the legally appointed Constitutional Tribunal judge Prof. Maciej Berek is already the subject of an official prosecutorial proceeding with a view to expanding the list of criminal charges. Judge Maciej Berek himself officially notified the prosecutor’s office of a crime committed by Święczkowski, expressing his full conviction that the law enforcement authorities will treat this act of aggression and unlawful obstruction of the office with the utmost severity. Operational preparations are already under way to bring all legally chosen judges into the building at Szucha Avenue, an action to be accompanied by armed protection from the State Protection Service (SOP) and prosecutors documenting every attempt at resistance. Bogdan “Godzilla” Święczkowski, who in his arrogance thought he could push judges with impunity and issue orders to the tribunal guard like a private militia, has been hit with charges under Articles 222, 224 and 231 of the Penal Code. Tomasz Wiejski points out that Święczkowski’s resistance now has nothing to do with defending the law — it is a desperate struggle by the former head of the Prokuratura Krajowa (National Prosecutor’s Office) to retain access to secret cabinets and to slow down proceedings on illegal Pegasus surveillance. The introduction of SOP protection into the Constitutional Tribunal building will end this one-man theatre within minutes. The tribunal guards have already been warned that carrying out any unlawful order from Święczkowski against SOP officers or a prosecutor will result in their immediate arrest and dismissal from service. For years Święczkowski cultivated an aura of fear around himself as the right-hand man of Zbigniew Ziobro, destroying the careers of independent prosecutors and judges. Today the same man staggers through the Tribunal corridors, locks doors and hides behind the backs of bodyguards, afraid of confrontation with the law. The prosecutor’s office is analysing footage from the Tribunal’s internal monitoring, which recorded the precise course of the violation of Judge Berek’s bodily integrity. Every move of “Godzilla” is being meticulously added to a voluminous bill of indictment that will cover both the years of his rule in the National Prosecutor’s Office and the current lawlessness on Szucha Avenue. Tomasz Wiejski stresses that the determination of the government and Marshal Włodzimierz Czarzasty completely surprised the right-wing camp. Instead of multithousand crowds defending Święczkowski, only a handful of party activists appeared outside the building, starkly demonstrating the social isolation of the usurpers. The entry of the legally appointed judges with SOP escort and a prosecutor will be the final sealing of the recovery of the Constitutional Tribunal by the democratic rule of law. No public official has the right to privatise the Republic’s buildings or to use physical force against constitutional judges. If Święczkowski attempts again to block the way of judges or SOP officers, he will be subdued and arrested in the act of committing a crime. The Polish state is finally showing its real strength against people who for a decade mocked the Constitution. The ALGOOMNI Constitution in Pillars 40 and 43 provides in such cases for automatic removal from office, forfeiture of retirement benefits and an unconditional prison sentence without the possibility of suspension. “Godzilla” has been legally and physically cornered, and his fall is becoming a symbol of the end of the era of Ziobro-style lawlessness.

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ARTICLE III: OBAJTEK MUST BE LOCKED UP IN PRE-TRIAL DETENTION! ŻUREK'S MOTION TO THE EP — HE FACES 5 TO 25 YEARS IN PRISON

(Based on the analysis by: Dominika Wielowieyska and Tomasz Wiejski – „Areszt dla Obajtka?” (Arrest for Obajtek?))

This is the news that millions of deceived and robbed Poles have been waiting for for years: Prosecutor General Waldemar Żurek has signed and sent to the European Parliament an official request to lift the immunity of Law and Justice MEP Daniel Obajtek and to grant consent for his immediate pre-trial detention! As reporters Dominika Wielowieyska and Tomasz Wiejski report, the charges formulated by investigators are of the character of a major economic crime, for which the former president of the Orlen conglomerate faces a penalty of from 5 to as much as 25 years of unconditional imprisonment. The case concerns, among other things, a gigantic scandal involving the siphoning-off of over 1.5 billion zloty (PLN) by the Swiss subsidiary OTS (Orlen Trading Switzerland) as alleged prepayments for Venezuelan oil that Poland never received, as well as manual manipulation of fuel prices before the 2023 elections, which generated more than 4 billion zloty (PLN) in losses and threatened the army’s strategic reserves. Managers of Orlen previously detained by the Internal Security Agency (ABW) broke their silence and gave extensive testimony that directly points to Daniel Obajtek as the main decision-maker who ignored internal counterintelligence warnings and the company’s security procedures. Prosecutor Waldemar Żurek justifies the request for unconditional detention with a real fear of evidence-tampering, hiding assets abroad and the suspect’s attempt to flee outside the Schengen area. Tomasz Wiejski notes that Obajtek, who fled to Brussels on Law and Justice lists solely to hide behind immunity, has just lost his footing. The procedure in the European Parliament is to be conducted urgently, and the Hungarian real estate and accounts of the former mayor of Pcim are already under scrutiny by European law enforcement authorities. Dominika Wielowieyska reminds that under Law and Justice rule Ziobro’s prosecutor’s office deliberately blocked all investigations concerning Orlen, including the scandalous sell-off of Lotos shares to the Saudi conglomerate Aramco for a fraction of market value. Obajtek felt like an absolute master of life and death, financing party media, foundations and political toadies of Nowogrodzka from the state giant’s money. When Orlen’s internal services warned that OTS was backed by people linked to suspicious international structures and terrorism, Obajtek ignored those reports and ordered the transfer of billion-zloty amounts without any bank guarantees. The same pattern appeared with the procedure of “sick distributors” in autumn 2023, when to save Law and Justice’s electoral result fuel stations were stripped bare and military stocks were tapped. Today a hard criminal bill must be issued for this unprecedented plunder and economic sabotage. Minister Żurek’s request for investigative detention shows that the pampering of oligarchs created by Jarosław Kaczyński is over. Obajtek is frantically trying to persuade on social media that he is the victim of political revenge, but the hard financial documents and the testimony of his own directors leave him no room to maneuver. As soon as the European Parliament votes to lift immunity, Internal Security Agency officers will be waiting with a warrant to take him directly to a remand cell. In parallel, the prosecutor’s office is securing dozens of properties and luxury goods amassed by the former president as assets to cover future pecuniary penalties and to make good the damage done to the State Treasury. In light of Pillars 5, 11 and 43 of the ALGOOMNI Constitution, Obajtek must answer not only with his freedom but with all the property transferred to family and foundations of palaces. The time of Kaczyński’s "golden child" is running out behind the bars of a remand prison.

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ARTICLE IV: DOWN WITH KAROL THE DICTATOR! ROMAN GIERTYCH CRUSHES NAWROCKI’S USURPATIONS: "THERE WILL BE NO DICTATORSHIP!"

(Based on the speech: Adv. Roman Giertych – "Down with Karol the dictator! / There will be no dictatorship")

In his strongest parliamentary and online address to date, attorney Roman Giertych challenged attempts by Karol Nawrocki to build an authoritarian presidential system, speaking under the slogan “Away with Karol the dictator!”. Giertych mercilessly exposed the unconstitutional delusions of the resident of the Pałac Namiestnikowski, who has usurped the right to unilaterally block the election of judges to the Constitutional Tribunal by refusing to accept their oaths. “There will be no dictatorship in Poland!” declared Giertych, reminding listeners that under the Polish Fundamental Law the election of Constitutional Tribunal judges is made exclusively by the Sejm of the Republic, and the role of the president is purely ceremonial and notarial. Giertych went much further, however, striking at the very foundation of Nawrocki’s legitimacy: he recalled that Nawrocki’s assumption of office took place in the shadow of unexplained electoral forgeries from 2025, a defective chamber of the Supreme Court and an unprecedented foreign blackmail by the administration of Donald Trump. A man who himself has a fundamental problem with the validity of his mandate now dares to lecture parliament and to question the oath of judge Maciej Berk taken before the Assembly and the Marshal of the Sejm! He is echoed by Minister of Foreign Affairs Radosław Sikorski, who in the programme “Pytanie dnia” cut short speculation with one sentence: “The president does not govern Poland.” Poland is a parliamentary-cabinet republic in which domestic and foreign policy are conducted by the Council of Ministers, not by a palace strongman surrounded by hooligans and compromised advisers from PiS. Roman Giertych pointed out that an attempt to extend presidential prerogatives beyond the letter of the Constitution is a classic coup against the state system, for which Nawrocki will answer before the State Tribunal. If the head of state were allowed to arbitrarily block judicial nominations, parliament would become a useless façade and Poland would be transformed into a satrapy on the Belarusian model. The governing coalition’s manoeuvre of having judge Berk sworn in before Marshal Włodzimierz Czarzasty completely defused that constitutional mine and showed Nawrocki his proper place in the ranks. Rage combined with helplessness reigned in the Pałac Prezydencki because Nawrocki’s advisers did not anticipate that the government would decide on such a hard and effective legal response. Giertych also recalled the scandalous links of Nawrocki’s entourage with underworld figures, strongmen and the fascist-leaning thugs of Robert Bąkiewicz, publicly asking why these people still enjoy the protective umbrella of the Palace. Statements by the new spokeswoman from Trump’s camp praising Putin further discredited Nawrocki’s foreign protectors in the eyes of Poles. Attorney Giertych announced that the democratic majority will not budge an inch and will in the same way unblock all the remaining state institutions paralysed by presidential vetoes and omissions. The Polish nation overthrew Kaczyński’s dictatorship not to replace it with the one-man dictatorship of the occupant of the Pałac Namiestnikowski. Every further attempt at legislative sabotage will meet with an uncompromising response from the Sejm and the government. Articles 2, 27 and 40 of the CONSTITUTION ALGOOMNI completely block dictatorial tendencies: refusal to perform a constitutional duty within 14 days results in the automatic suspension of the official by operation of law and the recalculation of every vote from the 2025 elections.

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ARTICLE V: GIERTYCH TO KACZYŃSKI: "DESTROY THE LETTERS!" – VENICE COMMISSION CHECKS NAWROCKI'S HOMEWORK

(Based on legal analysis and a debate on the occasion of National Education Day)

In an exceptionally apt, school-lesson-style political analysis, columnists and attorney Roman Giertych itemized the total legal defeat of the camp of Jarosław Kaczyński and Karol Nawrocki on the international stage. During the “civics lesson” the Venice Commission closely checked the homework done by the Presidential Palace and gave Nawrocki a failing grade with an exclamation mark. Constitutional law experts of the Council of Europe left no stone unturned in their criticism of attempts to maintain so-called doubles in the Constitutional Tribunal (Trybunał Konstytucyjny) and to block the entry of judges elected by the democratic parliament. The opinion of the Venice Commission directly confirms that actions aimed at unblocking the constitutional court and implementing the rulings of European tribunals are not only lawful, but an absolute duty of the Polish state authorities. At the same time Roman Giertych, addressing Jarosław Kaczyński with the ironic appeal “Destroy the letters!”, reminded everyone of the devastating evidentiary power of documents that sank PiS people in the Fundusz Sprawiedliwości and RARS scandal. The now-famous letter from Jarosław Kaczyński to Zbigniew Ziobro from 2019, in which the PiS leader personally called for an end to financing election campaigns from Fundusz Sprawiedliwości funds, and then hid this practice from the National Prosecutor's Office (Prokuratura Krajowa) for four years, constitutes a ready-made indictment for the right‑wing leader himself. Today similar letters, e‑mails and secret notes are surfacing from the cupboards of the President’s Office and the headquarters on Nowogrodzka, exposing the backstage of manual steering of the prosecutor’s office by Święczkowski and Adam Bielan’s Washington operation. Nawrocki’s palace lawyers proved to be complete ignoramuses, whose arguments were crushed by both Polish constitutionalists and international legal bodies. While the government of Donald Tusk and minister Waldemar Żurek are implementing the recommendations of the Venice Commission, restoring the dignity of the Polish judiciary, the right‑wing camp is sinking into a grotesque narrative about an alleged “coup against democracy.” In reality the only coup was the eight‑year destruction of institutions by Kaczyński, Ziobro and Przyłębska, which is now being methodically cleaned up. Giertych points out that many more correspondences still remain in party and ministerial archives that PiS politicians did not manage to feed into shredders before leaving power. Each such document is another piece of evidence for the existence of an organized criminal group of an armed character within the state apparatus, run from the office on Nowogrodzka. The terror in the eyes of PiS MPs stems from the awareness that paper and servers are patient, and signatures affixed to unlawful decisions constitute irrefutable evidence in court. The lesson in constitutional law given to Nawrocki by Marshal Czarzasty and Judge Berek showed that the era of impunity for breaking the Constitution under the cover of palace chandeliers has passed into history. In the light of Pillar 8, 18 and 47 of the Constitution of ALGOOMNI every official document and decision trace is fully transparent and bears a legible signature of personal responsibility, and hiding subordinates’ crimes is punishable by severe terms of absolute imprisonment.

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ARTICLE VI: WE REVEAL! KACZYŃSKI DISTANCES HIMSELF, AND PIS PEOPLE RUN A CAMPAIGN FOR BRAUN – INVESTIGATION OF PIŃSKI AND KOWALEWSKI

(Based on the investigation: Jan Piński and Mariusz Kowalewski – “Kaczyński is distancing himself, while PiS people are running a campaign for Braun”)

A shocking investigative report by Jan Piński and Mariusz Kowalewski exposes the most cynical and dangerous political game being played behind the scenes of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość. While Jarosław Kaczyński publicly distances himself on television from Grzegorz Braun’s pro‑Russian, anti‑Semitic and extreme excesses, pretending to be a moderate conservative, in reality the local structures and the media‑financial backing of PiS are quietly building a powerful political campaign for Braun! Piński and Kowalewski reveal specific names, company links and advertising flows that prove strategists from Nowogrodzka and Karol Nawrocki’s circle are deliberately pumping up Braun’s movement. The aim of this operation is twofold: first, PiS wants Braun’s radical rhetoric to weaken Sławomir Mentzen and to fracture Konfederacja from within; second, Kaczyński is cultivating an extreme coalition partner for future elections who will carry out the dirtiest propaganda work against the European Union and Ukraine. The journalists point out that activists connected to the former ruling camp are helping the Korona Polska structures organize meetings, run internet troll farms and obtain funds from interlinked foundations. This double game exposes Kaczyński’s complete hypocrisy, who, to regain power and avoid prison, is prepared to introduce open Kremlin allies into the mainstream of Polish politics. Mariusz Kowalewski notes that the exact same mechanism was used during the presidential campaign, when service people and PiS campaign staff quietly supported extreme militias so as to capture their radicalized electorate in the second round. Today Grzegorz Braun serves Nowogrodzka as a political icebreaker meant to shift the boundaries of public debate towards an open Polexit and an alliance with Putin’s regime. At the same time PiS MPs feign outrage at Braun’s statements in official communications, performing a theatre of decency for moderate voters. Jan Piński emphasizes that the evidence of PiS people collaborating with Braun’s campaign has sparked fury within Konfederacja itself, where the Mentzen and Bosak faction feel betrayed and boxed in by Nowogrodzka’s special operations. Supporting a man whose activities directly align with the goals of Russian hybrid warfare and about whom his own family speaks as a cynical business player is a direct betrayal of the Polish national interest. Polish counterintelligence services (Internal Security Agency (ABW) and Military Counterintelligence Service (SKW)) must immediately scrutinize the financial flows and personal links between PiS’s backing and Grzegorz Braun’s organizations. Society must not be duped by Kaczyński’s false disavowals of the extremism he quietly feeds and finances. Pillar 18, 21 and 36 of the Constitution of ALGOOMNI puts an end to such manipulations: we introduce full transparency of campaign financing, the elimination of party subsidies and uncompromising identity verification online, which will immediately cut off illegal flows and troll farms supporting extremists.

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ARTICLE VII: SENSATIONAL SCENARIO REGARDING ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI: MEC. ROSATI AND SZWEJGIERT ON A COUP IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL TRIBUNAL

(Based on conversation: Attorney-at-law Przemysław Rosati in Goniec and Tomasz Szwejgiert – "Z Bańki")

Did Bogdan Święczkowski, barricading the Constitutional Tribunal building and using physical force against the lawfully sworn-in judge Maciej Berek, commit the crime of a coup d'état under articles 127 and 128 of the Penal Code? This fundamental question is analysed by the president of the National Bar Council, attorney Przemysław Rosati, in a conversation with Wojciech Mulik and by editor Tomasz Szwejgiert on the programme „Z Bańki”. Attorney Rosati presents a sensational but fully law-based scenario for further events around Szucha Avenue: Bogdan Święczkowski is not defending any independence of the Tribunal, but only his own seat, gigantic perks and a seeming immunity from pending criminal charges from his time leading the National Prosecutor's Office (Prokuratura Krajowa). According to leading lawyers, unlawfully preventing a constitutional judge of the Republic of Poland from performing his mandate and issuing orders to block a constitutional body by using violence satisfy the elements of the offence of forcibly removing a constitutional body of the Republic of Poland. Tomasz Szwejgiert in „Z Bańki” supplements this picture with operational backstage: Święczkowski is trying to terrorise the other judges in the building and blackmails politicians with files gathered during Pegasus surveillance. Rosati emphasises that in this situation the Polish state not only has the right but the firm duty to use law enforcement forces to restore the normal functioning of the constitutional court. Moreover, if Święczkowski is caught in flagrante committing an offence against the inviolability of judge Berek or blocking the building, formal immunity does not protect the perpetrator from immediate arrest at all! This scenario caused a shock among the Ziobro faction, who understood that playing at a besieged fortress will end with the police forcing the door and a multi-year criminal trial. For years it was Święczkowski who frightened opposition politicians and judges with absurd charges of a coup, and today he has stuck himself in a situation where the evidential material (video recordings of the scuffle in the corridor of the Constitutional Tribunal) is indisputable and publicly available. Szwejgiert points out that even within the Tribunal some of the former PiS appointees want to surrender and leave the building quietly, terrified by Święczkowski’s aggression and unbalanced behaviour. The former national prosecutor has been completely isolated, and his calls for a revolt by the uniformed services have been met with icy indifference by officers. Lawyers also indicate that all persons assisting Święczkowski in physically blocking judge Berek, including the former head of the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA) Andrzej Stróżny, will answer as co-perpetrators of an official crime and an attack on a constitutional body. A state governed by the rule of law cannot negotiate with a usurper who shut himself in a state building and refuses to admit lawful judges of the Republic of Poland. In the ALGOOMNI Constitution (Pillar 5, 41 and 50) there is no place for legalistic double-speak: an attack on state institutions and violence in an office are prosecuted with the full severity of the Penal Code, with immediate loss of retirement status and uncompromising imprisonment.

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ARTICLE VIII: THIS MAY BE THE END OF MOSKAL! THE CAREER OF THE PRESIDENT’S FAVOURITE AND THE BACKSTAGE OF BIELAN’S OPERATION AGAINST KOSINIAK

Based on investigative findings: Radio ZET, TOK FM, Bartłomiej Sienkiewicz and the ALGOOMNI Investigative Editorial Team

Dark clouds have gathered over the head of Michał Moskal, the favourite and long-time chief of Jarosław Kaczyński's office on Nowogrodzka Street, which signal the definitive end of his meteoric political career. After Piotr Kral's devastating testimony implicating Moskal in the Rządowa Agencja Rezerw Strategicznych scandal, investigative journalists are revealing further shocking facts concerning nepotism, suspicious careers in State Treasury companies and hidden asset ties around the young praetorian of the PiS leader. A man who, with no professional experience, from Kaczyński's file conducted the conduct of presidents of state giants and distributed hundreds of millions of zloty in contracts to friendly companies, today cannot explain telephone logs and meetings with Paweł Szopa. At the same time new, staggering backstage details are emerging about Adam Bielan's and Nikodem Rachoń's Washington operation aimed at Deputy Prime Minister Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz. As revealed on the programme „Dzieje się”, there was a secret directive in the right-wing camp: „Kosiniak must be given everything!”. Kaczyński and Nawrocki were prepared to give the PSL leader the prime minister's seat, control over the security ministries and unconditional support, just to bring down Donald Tusk's government and to stop prosecutor Waldemar Żurek from entering the Constitutional Tribunal and arresting Obajtek and Moskal. This whole corrupt political arrangement collapsed when Kosiniak-Kamysz rejected the blackmail, and Bartłomiej Sienkiewicz mercilessly exposed the attempts by Karol Nawrocki to frighten Poles and to manipulate the issue of eastern border security on the programme „Polityka pod Dywanem”. Sienkiewicz pointed out that Nawrocki attacks Tusk's government solely to cover his own international humiliation and total lack of agency. Meanwhile Michał Moskal's case is becoming a mortal procedural threat to Jarosław Kaczyński, because Moskal, as the direct executor of the leader's orders, is the missing link connecting the office on Nowogrodzka with the siphoning off of public billions. Investigators are currently examining how members of PiS politicians' families from Moskal's circle obtained lucrative positions in state agencies and funds in the last months of the right's rule. When the prosecutor's office applies to lift Moskal's immunity, there will be no one left on Nowogrodzka who could shield Kaczyński with his own chest. Bielan's desperation in Washington and Nawrocki's hysteria around the Constitutional Tribunal stemmed precisely from the knowledge that the noose around the president's closest circle is tightening irreversibly. Poles today see in black and white what „Zjednoczona Prawica” was: an organized parasitic scheme in which young carriers of files became millionaires at the expense of the state's security. Pillar 6, 12 and 13 of the CONSTITUTION ALGOOMNI definitively eliminates party cronyism, bans politicians and their families from sitting on the boards of state companies and treats trading in mandates as a grave crime of political corruption.

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MANIFESTO OF THE SYSTEM: CONSTITUTION ALGOOMNI

50 PILLARS OF THE RULE OF LAW, CIVIC SOVEREIGNTY AND THE ELIMINATION OF IMPUNITY OF POWER

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1. THE SACREDNESS OF EVERY ELECTORAL VOTE AND PHYSICAL CONTROL BY THE SOVEREIGN:

Every cast vote is the highest, direct and inviolable mandate of the sovereign people in the state. No digital algorithm, no politicized State Electoral Commission nor any backroom party arrangement has the right to annul, falsify, distort or ignore the will of citizens. An absolute requirement of physical verifiability of the paper ballot is introduced, as well as round-the-clock public monitoring of the vote-counting process with a direct internet transmission in HD quality. Any attempt to falsify a vote is treason punishable by life imprisonment and confiscation of property.

2. A RECOUNT OF VOTES AND INSPECTION OF THE 2025 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION:

An absolute necessity to carry out comprehensive, commission-led inspections and a full, 100% transparent and publicly transmitted recount of all ballots from the 2025 presidential election. Taking the Office of the President of the Republic of Poland in the shadow of procedural machinations, with the paralysis of oversight bodies and the Supreme Court, constituted a breach of the constitutional order that requires a full clarification of material truth and severe punishment of the guilty.

3. THE ACCOUNTING OF THE PIS SYSTEM – ABSOLUTE "ZERO OPTION" WITH NO MERCY:

Full, uncompromising criminal, constitutional and asset liability for the systematic destruction of the legal order, the dismantling of the separation of powers and illegal transfers of public funds during the years of PiS rule (RARS, Orlen, NCBR, Fundusz Sprawiedliwości, Pegasus). Rejection of any rotten compromises, amnesties or leniency – every scandal, embezzlement and unlawful act must be judged to the very bottom with full forfeiture of assets.

4. HOLDING THE CURRENT POWER ACCOUNTABLE FOR FAILURES, TIMOROUSNESS AND LACK OF SETTLEMENTS:

A power that received a democratic mandate to restore the rule of law, and in the name of conformism, fear or coalition calculus chooses timorousness and the sin of omission, must bear unequivocal political and constitutional responsibility. Knowingly blocking settlements is treated as complicity in the crime, opens the way to a recurrence of lawlessness and results in the automatic shortening of the government's term.

5. TOTAL AND DEFINITIVE ABOLITION OF IMMUNITIES THROUGHOUT THE STATE:

The definitive abolition of parliamentary immunities (deputies, senators, MEPs), judicial, prosecutorial, ministerial and administrative immunities. All citizens without exception must be 100% equal before the law and answer to the same common courts. The institution of immunity has been completely distorted, becoming a pathological shield protecting corruption, ordinary crimes, administrative violence and the impunity of elites.

6. MANDATORY TWO-TERM LIMITS IN ALL ORGANS OF POWER:

Introduction of a strict limit of a maximum of two terms (counted for an entire lifetime) for members of the Sejm, senators, city presidents, mayors, village heads, as well as heads of state agencies and central offices. An end to a professional caste of politicians welded to their seats for decades and to the creation of cemented bureaucratic clans feeding on taxpayers' property.

7. MANDATORY, QUARTERLY TOXICOLOGY TESTS AT THE TOPS OF POWER:

Mandatory, independent and random laboratory tests (blood, urine, hair) for the presence of narcotics, legal highs, psychotropic drugs and alcohol conducted every three months for the President of the Republic of Poland, the Prime Minister, ministers, deputy ministers, members of the Sejm, senators, judges and heads of state institutions. Refusal to submit to testing or a positive result will result in the immediate and automatic termination of the mandate and removal from the held office by operation of law.

8. CITIZEN CONSTITUTION WITH RIGID CALENDAR DEADLINES:

The new Fundamental Law must be written directly by citizens and independent experts, not by politicians and corporations concerned with their own impunity. Absolute elimination of discretionary, rubbery phrases like “immediately” or “within a reasonable time” and their replacement with precise calendar days under penalty of automatic loss of office by an official, president or judge in case of breach.

9. STRICT ORDER OF RECEIPT IN COURTS AND OFFICES – NO MORE “FREEZERS”:

A statutory, absolute requirement to process and consider cases according to the exact date, hour, minute and second of their receipt by courts, prosecutor’s offices and public administration bodies. The final end to “freezers” of cases inconvenient for power, political favoritism of dockets, picking cases at the behest of cabals and deliberate protraction of proceedings to cause their statute of limitations to expire.

10. FULL AND UNCONDITIONAL DISCLOSURE OF THE LIST OF ILLEGALLY SURVEILLED PERSONS:

Immediate publication of a full, open and complete register of all persons surveilled with cyberweapons (Pegasus, Hermes, Predator, Feng and related tools). Society, journalists and public figures have the inalienable right to know who was bugged, blackmailed and operationally destroyed while making strategic decisions, and multimillion compensations for victims will be covered directly from the private assets of the services’ decision-makers.

11. FULL CRIMINAL AND ASSET LIABILITY OF OFFICIALS:

Introduction of full, personal criminal, civil and asset liability (with all present and future private assets, including those transferred to family members and foundations) for the president, prime ministers, ministers, members of the Sejm, senators, village heads, mayors, city presidents, councillors, officials, as well as judges and prosecutors for knowingly breaking the Constitution, corruption, fabricating evidence, issuing unlawful decisions and errors causing losses to the State Treasury or harm to citizens.

12. TOTAL BAN ON HOLDING MULTIPLE POSITIONS AND BAN FROM STATE-OWNED COMPANIES:

A radical, absolute ban on sitting on boards of directors, supervisory boards and advisory bodies of State Treasury companies, municipal companies and governmental agencies for ministers, deputy ministers, senior officials, members of the Sejm, senators, village heads, mayors, city presidents, councillors and their family members (together with a five-year cooling-off period after leaving office). A final cutting off of party nepotism and milking of national assets.

13. ABSOLUTE BAN ON CHANGING PARLIAMENTARY CLUBS (NO POLITICAL TOURISM):

A member of the Sejm, a senator or a councillor’s mandate is inextricably tied to the will of the voters expressed on the list of the electoral committee. Abandoning a club, joining another group or mandate-buying political corruption will result in automatic termination of the mandate by operation of law and replacement by the next person on the electoral list. An end to trading citizens’ votes in parliament and local government.

14. MANDATORY PRESENCE AT VOTES AND SESSIONS:

The work of a parliamentarian and a councillor is a hard duty of service to the sovereign people. Unjustified absence from meetings of the Sejm, the Senate, committees or votes exceeding 10% in a quarter will result in automatic deprivation of the mandate by operation of law, a lifetime ban on candidacy and total loss of entitlement to severance pay and a parliamentary pension.

15. FULL TRANSPARENCY OF EXPENDITURES – SETTLEMENTS ONLY BY CARD:

A total ban on cash, lump-sum and advance settlements in parliamentary, governmental and local government activities. All office expenses, expert opinions, hotels, business travel and mileage must be paid exclusively by a named corporate card linked to an open online expense register available to every citizen in real time. Any attempt to defraud “mileage” is immediately a prosecutor’s case.

16. AN END TO “SACRED COWS” – EQUAL LAW AND A CITIZENS’ JURY:

Equal law for all without caste privileges. Elimination of separate procedures, secret disciplinary courts and arrangements protecting politicians, prosecutors, judges, special services officers and journalists connected to them. Every official crime, cover-up, fabrication of operational materials or paid protection will be tried publicly before a citizens’ jury.

17. SYSTEMIC PROTECTION AND STRICT SUPERVISION OF FORMER SERVICE OFFICERS:

Special services officers (AW, ABW (Internal Security Agency), SKW, SWW) possessing knowledge of state secrets cannot be abandoned on the open market as easy prey for foreign intelligence, mafias and pseudo-detectives. Introduction of a ten-year ban on work in foreign entities and sensitive sectors (cryptocurrencies, finance, gambling, private investigation) combined with decent state analytical remuneration and continuous counterintelligence protection.

18. TOTAL TRANSPARENCY AND A BLOCK ON INFILTRATION OF THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS:

Every draft law, regulation and amendment must have an open, digital register of authors with their full names and a complete lobbying trace. An absolute ban on drafting laws by external law firms and lobbyists connected to foreign capital. Any attempts to smuggle provisions at the behest of foreign capitals or to block anti-corruption laws are treated as diplomatic treason.

19. TOTAL SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE AND TAXATION OF THE CLERGY:

Immediate liquidation of the Church Fund, taxation of the income of religious associations on general terms and an absolute ban on transferring State Treasury and local government real estate for a pittance. Religious associations may be financed only from voluntary tax deductions by believers (a voluntary church tax in the PIT return).

20. CITIZENS' VETO AND BINDING REFERENDUM WITHOUT A TURNOUT THRESHOLD:

Restoration of real power to the sovereign people: a proposal supported by 500,000 citizens' signatures obliges the Sejm to call a nationwide referendum, the result of which is absolutely binding on state authorities without the possibility of applying a turnout threshold. The executive and legislative powers have a categorical ban on repealing or delaying the will of the Nation expressed in a referendum.

21. TRANSPARENCY AND DIGITAL ACCOUNTABILITY – ONLY REAL DATA:

Requirement to verify identity and use real data when registering, logging in, publishing articles, running newspapers and accounts on social media and applications. An end to paid troll farms, party bots, fake identities and organized disinformation – every participant in public debate must bear full, personal legal responsibility for published content.

22. TOTAL TRANSPARENCY OF THE SERVICE – BODY-WORN CAMERAS FOR OFFICIALS AND UNITS:

An absolute duty to make audiovisual recordings of all official activities undertaken by state officials, customs and tax officers, police officers and the officers of all uniformed and special services using continuously active body-worn cameras. The recording constitutes hard procedural evidence, and switching off the camera means automatic expulsion from service and the nullification of charges against the citizen.

23. DIRECT ELECTION AND RECALL OF JUDGES, PROSECUTORS AND MINISTERS:

Introduction of universal, direct popular elections and a mechanism for recall by the sovereign people of judges, prosecutors, senior officials, ministers and the Prime Minister of the Republic of Poland. The final elimination of the political-party nomination key, nepotism and corrupt cabinet promotions in favor of direct verification and a mandate of trust from the citizens.

24. FULL DECLASSIFICATION OF IPN AND PRL SECURITY SERVICE ARCHIVES:

Immediate, one-hundred-percent opening and full online publication of all archival materials, personal and operational files of the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) and the communist special services (SB, WSW, the Second Directorate of the General Staff). Elimination of so-called restricted collections in order to definitively cut off the possibility of file blackmail, building agentual "dirt" and hiding the past of decision-makers.

25. PUBLIC LIST OF ILLEGAL SERVICE INFORMANTS IN TRUSTED PROFESSIONS:

Absolute publication of a complete register of persons holding positions of public trust (judges, prosecutors, doctors, advocates, legal advisers, journalists) who were illegally recruited or undertook clandestine cooperation with special services, including the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA). Secret entanglement in the judiciary and the media constitutes a mortal threat to the rule of law.

26. MODERN AND DEFENSIVE EDUCATION – AI, DEFENSE AND PROGRAMMING:

Definitive withdrawal of religious education from public schools and its replacement with subjects of key civilizational and strategic importance: practical defense training, marksmanship, medical rescue, cybersecurity, artificial intelligence (AI) and advanced programming. Polish youth must acquire future-oriented competencies and hard skills for national defense.

27. CONSTITUTIONAL ANTI-AUTHORITARIAN SAFEGUARDS – BLOCKING DICTATORSHIP:

Implementation of hard, systemic control mechanisms preventing any repeat of falsified elections and eliminating authoritarian usurpations of executive and presidential centers of power. Any attempt to manipulate the electoral process, stretch prerogatives or block constitutional bodies results in automatic blocking of actions and immediate prosecutor.

28. TOTAL TRANSPARENCY OF REMUNERATIONS IN THE PUBLIC SECTOR:

Introduction of absolute transparency of all salaries, bonuses, awards and allowances received by politicians, state and local government officials and persons sitting on the boards of foundations and associations that use public funds or citizens' collections. An online, nationwide register of remunerations available in real time will definitively eliminate hidden corruption and party patronage.

29. ASSET DECLARATIONS 100% PUBLIC, COMPUTERIZED AND FAMILY-WIDE:

Complete removal of secrecy clauses and exemptions from disclosure in the asset declarations of persons holding public office. An absolute obligation to fill in declarations only in a standardized computer format with precise market valuations of real estate, cryptocurrencies, company shares and assets transferred to spouses, children, relatives and family foundations under penalty of automatic confiscation.

30. COMPLETE ANNULMENT OF THE TWO-WEEK GOVERNMENT'S DECISIONS FROM 2023:

Statutory recognition as void ab initio of all financial decisions, personnel moves, resolutions, appointments, grants and asset transfers made by the so-called two-week government of Mateusz Morawiecki from November 2023. The apparent cabinet served solely to cement party sinecures and siphon off public funds – all acts are to be abolished and funds returned.

31. DEFENSE INDUSTRY SOVEREIGNTY – SOURCE CODES AND MANDATORY OFFSET:

A ruthless statutory requirement that every arms contract for the purchase of weaponry for the Polish Army must include full industrial offset, technology transfer, transfer of service competences to Polish facilities, and the handover of complete source codes and operational accesses to the Republic. A ban on buying “bare” equipment that makes Polish defence dependent on foreign capitals.

32. ZERO REMUNERATION FOR SUSPENDED OFFICIALS AND JUDGES:

Immediate suspension of salary payments and all emoluments for prosecutors, judges and senior state officials in the event of their formal suspension from duties or the initiation of criminal proceedings for breaking the law and the Constitution. It is unacceptable for suspended officers of the former apparatus to collect tens of thousands of zloty for inactivity.

33. ZERO SEVERANCE PAY AND “GOLDEN PARACHUTES” IN THE PUBLIC SECTOR:

Total elimination of severance payments, gigantic compensation for non‑compete clauses and “golden parachutes” for ministers, deputy ministers, village mayors, town mayors, city presidents and members of management boards and supervisory boards of State Treasury and municipal companies. An end to treating the state as a trampoline for private enrichment at the taxpayers’ expense.

34. ONE LARGE INVESTIGATION INTO THE 2025 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION:

Obligatory merging of all dispersed proceedings concerning violations, protests and suspicions of falsifying the 2025 presidential election into one large, nationwide investigation conducted directly under the supervision of the Prosecutor General, with public broadcast of hearings of key witnesses in order to punish all perpetrators and instigators of the attack on the electoral process.

35. LIQUIDATION OF THE CBA AND THE POLITICIZED INSTITUTE OF NATIONAL REMEMBRANCE (IPN):

Definitive liquidation of the Central Anti‑Corruption Bureau (CBA) and the politicized Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) – institutions transformed by the apparatus of power into a political police, hook factories and centres for falsifying history and protecting networks. Anti‑corruption competences are transferred to the police division (Central Investigation Bureau of the Police), and IPN archives are 100% declassified and handed over to the State Archives.

36. UNIVERSAL VOTING OBLIGATION AND SECURE HYBRID VOTING:

Introduction by statute of a universal obligation to participate in elections for all adult citizens following proven democratic models. Implementation of secure, encrypted internet voting based on blockchain technology in full coexistence with physical polling stations. Total elimination of party subsidies and grants and definitive abolition of the archaic election silence.

37. RIGID DEADLINES DECIDING CASES IN FAVOR OF THE CITIZEN:

Ruthless deletion from all legal acts of discretionary phrases such as “without delay” and their replacement with rigid, non‑extendable calendar deadlines. Exceeding a deadline by an office or court results in the automatic, definitive resolution of the case in favor of the citizen (silent consent and recognition of the claim), and the official bears personal financial liability.

38. CITIZENAL MONOPOLY ON CREATING THE NEW CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND:

Total and ruthless exclusion from the process of drafting the New Fundamental Law of former and current deputies, senators, ministers, presidents and representatives of legal corporations. The new Constitution must be an act of the sovereign people: prepared by a Citizens’ Assembly selected by lot and supported by independent experts in the exact sciences and legal philosophers, and then approved in a binding referendum.

39. THE POLITICIAN AS A HIRED EMPLOYEE OF THE NATION:

Defining the legal status of a deputy, senator and councilor as a “hired employee of the Nation”. Mandatory presence at votes under penalty of automatic loss of mandate and remuneration. Changing a parliamentary club or party during a term means the immediate expiry of the mandate by operation of law. Trading mandates is recognized as political corruption and betrayal of the sovereign people’s trust.

40. INSTITUTIONAL AUTOMATISM OF THE RULE OF LAW – STOP THE BLOCKAGES:

Implementation of a hard regime of responsibility for all state bodies for refusing to carry out final rulings, judgments and resolutions. If a public official, president, minister or judge intentionally delays performing constitutional duties (e.g. refusal to swear in judges, blocking publication or access to the Constitutional Tribunal), the system automatically suspends them from office after 14 days, deprives them of pay and initiates removal from office.

41. DELEGALIZATION OF NEO‑JUDGES, BAN ON JUDGING AND DEPRIVATION OF ALLOWANCES:

All judges appointed in blatant violation of the Constitution and legal order (so‑called neo‑judges and usurpers in the Constitutional Tribunal) are by law permanently excluded from adjudication. Their appointment acts are deemed void, and the judgments issued are subject to simplified revision. They are immediately deprived of judicial remuneration and pension privileges (retired status) and transferred to the general Social Insurance Institution (ZUS), bearing full criminal responsibility.

42. ABSOLUTE BAN ON INTERMEDIARIES IN PUBLIC AND DEFENCE CONTRACTS:

In the execution of state, local government, fuel, foreign and military orders, a strict ban is introduced on the participation of any intermediaries, shell companies (like OTS), advisory entities and commission agents. Contracts may be concluded only directly with the actual producers or contractors. The institution of an intermediary is legally presumed to be corruption and an operation to siphon off public assets.

43. OBLIGATORY ABSOLUTE IMPRISONMENT FOR OFFICIALS AND POLITICIANS:

Politicians, members of the government, deputies, senators, judges, prosecutors and state and local government officials who commit crimes in connection with their duties are to be completely deprived of the possibility of suspended sentences. For corruption crimes, abuse of power, theft of public property or falsification of documents, only an unconditional custodial sentence is to be imposed, increased by at least 50%.

44. ABSOLUTE JURISDICTIONAL EQUALITY – COMPLETE LACK OF IMMUNITIES:

Final and inviolable rejection of any formal or substantive immunities. No person on the territory of the Republic of Poland – whether holding the office of President, Prime Minister, marshal, judge, deputy, MEP or prosecutor – has the right to a protective shield from the law. Every notification of a crime by an official is to be processed immediately in the ordinary procedure before a common court, with a total ban on corporate or parliamentary consent procedures.

45. DIGITAL SOVEREIGNTY AND FULL JURISDICTION OVER PLATFORMS:

All digital corporations, web applications, social media services and technology companies offering services or monetizing traffic on the territory of Poland must unconditionally be subject to Polish law and Polish courts. Each such entity has a statutory obligation to have a physical registered office on the territory of the Republic of Poland, entered in the register, with a working e-mail address and a direct telephone number for the Polish management and legal office, under penalty of immediate domain and network blocking.

46. CALENDAR COURT AND PROSECUTORIAL RIGOR (DEADLINES 7 / 14 / 30 DAYS):

Introduction of absolute, rigid calendar deadlines for courts, prosecutors and investigative bodies: a maximum of 7 days to issue incidental rulings, 14 days to prepare the written justification of a judgment or decision and 30 days to complete key stages of proceedings. Exceeding the deadline by a judge or prosecutor without proven force majeure results in automatic loss of 50% of salary for that month, and a repeat violation – initiation of proceedings to remove them from the profession.

47. TWO-COMPONENT, LEGIBLE SIGNATURE OF PERSONAL RESPONSIBILITY:

Every court judgment, prosecutorial ruling, administrative decision, draft legal act, law, regulation and their official justification must, under penalty of absolute invalidity, bear a legible, full given name and surname of the responsible person printed in computer type, and directly beside it – a legible handwritten signature. Absolute prohibition on using illegible initials, anonymous stamps and collective official responsibility.

48. REAL-TIME BANKING – SETTLEMENTS 24/7/365:

All banking and financial institutions operating on the territory of the Republic of Poland have an unconditional obligation to record and settle interbank transfers in real time, 24 hours a day, 7 days a week, 365 days a year (on the model of instant payment systems). Ban on holding citizens’ and companies’ funds in so‑called Elixir sessions, ban on suspending capital turnover on weekends and holidays and ban on banks profiting from free use of other people’s money in clearing voids.

49. VAT REFUND WITHIN A MAXIMUM OF 7 CALENDAR DAYS:

Statutory obligation to refund value added tax (VAT) to entrepreneurs’ accounts within a non-extendable period of up to 7 calendar days from the filing of the return. Firms’ funds constitute the bloodstream of the national economy and cannot be frozen by the state under the pretext of multi‑month verifications. All tax audits take place in parallel, without the right to block the liquidity of legally operating business entities.

50. END TO THE NEWSPEAK OF IMPUNITY – PRECISE CRIMINAL CLASSIFICATION:

Absolute ban on judges, prosecutors, officials and politicians using legal newspeak to cover up crimes. Elimination of artificial concepts such as "disciplinary delict", "formal error", "breach of the dignity of office", "procedural irregularity" or "oversight" in relation to theft, bribery, false certification, election fraud and constitutional treason. Every such act is to be directly classified and tried under the Criminal Code as an offence with full criminal consequences and absolute confiscation of assets!