SECURED SURVEILLANCE IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL TRIBUNAL, PROSECUTOR ON SZUCHA STREET, NAWROCKA'S PANIC AND THE COWARDS FROM PIS: WHOEVER NEEDS BLACKMAIL DOES NOT DESERVE POWER!
Automatically translated from Polish.
GENERAL EDITION TITLE:
MONITORED FOOTAGE SECURED IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL TRIBUNAL, PROSECUTOR AT SZUCHA, NAWROCKI IN PANIC AND COWARDS FROM PIS: WHO NEEDS BLACKMAIL DOES NOT DESERVE POWER!
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF'S COMMENT OF THE DAY:
Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski (Editor-in-Chief Gazeta ALGOOMNI)
Dear Citizens, Readers of Gazeta ALGOOMNI, Free Poles!
Saturday morning, 17 October 2026, goes down in history as the moment of the final collapse of the myth of untouchability of the Ziobro‑PiS caste within the justice system. After an unprecedented physical attack on the constitutional judge of the Republic of Poland Prof. Maciej Berk, prosecutors, accompanied by police, entered the building of the Constitutional Tribunal, securing the hard drives from the monitoring and initiating the procedure to apprehend Bogdan Święczkowski in the act of committing a crime. The last bastion of impunity of the former ruling camp cracked from within, exposing the helplessness of Karol Nawrocki, who fell into the trap of his own dictatorial arrogance. As Major Robert Cheda, Jan Piński and Tomasz Szwejgiert aptly diagnose, the right has fallen into an agonizing panic: they fear prison and investigative detention, because they know that for the thefts in RARS, Orlen and the Fundusz Sprawiedliwości they will have to pay the highest price.
At the same time patriotic and freedom movements forcefully reject the gangster methods of blackmail resorted to by political retirees and compromised celebrities in the mould of Krzysztof Rutkowski. Threats to provoke a civil war formulated by Marcin Przydacz and palace radicals are the desperate cry of bankrupts who, to protect their own assets, are ready to set Poland on fire. Exactly three years after the historic elections of 15 October 2023 the nation demands the final closing of accounts with no rotten compromises. Gazeta ALGOOMNI publishes the full, inviolable Manifest: Konstytucja ALGOOMNI – 50 Filarów Praworządności (Konstytucja ALGOOMNI – 50 Pillars of the Rule of Law). We abolish all immunities, dismantle the caste of neo‑judges, introduce body cameras and uncompromising prison sentences for crimes by those in power. The era of impunity is over, irretrievably!
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CONTENTS OF ISSUE NO. 36/2026 (17.10.2026):
1. ARTICLE I: NAWROCKI IN A TRAP: TUSK STRIKES AT THE SYSTEM AROUND THE TRIBUNAL – CHEDA AND PIŃSKI ON THE COLLAPSE OF THE PALACE STRATEGY
2. ARTICLE II: PROSECUTOR AND POLICE ENTERED THE CONSTITUTIONAL TRIBUNAL TO SECURE THE MONITORING! GODZILLA MAY BE DETAINED
3. ARTICLE III: ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI NEEDS BLOOD: TOMASZ SZWEJGIERT ON THE PROGRAM „Z BAŃKI” ABOUT THE ASSAULT AT SZUCHA
4. ARTICLE IV: THE FISH ROTS FROM THE HEAD: DOROTA WYSOCKA‑SCHNEPF AND TOMASZ LIS ON NAWROCKI'S ROLE IN THE TRIBUNAL
5. ARTICLE V: RUTKOWSKI BLACKMAILING THE GOVERNMENT? JAN PIŃSKI AND TOMASZ SZWEJGIERT ON THE BACKGROUND OF THE PROVOCATION
6. ARTICLE VI: WILL NAWROCKI SPARK A CIVIL WAR!? PASTOR PAWEŁ CHOJECKI ON THE THREATS FROM THE RIGHT IN IPP
7. ARTICLE VII: THREE YEARS AFTER 15 OCTOBER: ALEKSANDER KWAŚNIEWSKI ON THE GOVERNMENT OF TUSK HITTING A TURNING POINT AND THE COALITION'S MISTAKES
8. ARTICLE VIII: LIVE WITH THE THREE TENORS: SZWEJGIERT, PIŃSKI AND CHEDA ON PANIC IN PIS AND THE FALL OF NOWOGRODZKA
CONSTITUTIONAL MANIFESTO: KONSTYTUCJA ALGOOMNI – ALL 50 PILLARS OF THE RULE OF LAW (COMPLETE EXPANSION 1–50)
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ARTICLE I: NAWROCKI IN A TRAP: TUSK STRIKES AT THE SYSTEM AROUND THE TRIBUNAL – CHEDA AND PIŃSKI ON THE COLLAPSE OF THE PALACE STRATEGY
(Based on an investigative analysis: Major Robert Cheda and Jan Piński – "Nawrocki in a Trap")
A joint analysis by the retired Intelligence Agency officer Major Robert Cheda and editor Jan Piński, aptly titled "Nawrocki in a Trap. Tusk strikes at the system around the Tribunal," casts a staggering light on the strategic defeat of the Presidential Palace. Karol Nawrocki, portrayed by Nowogrodzka as a hard leader of the right and an unyielding defender of party privileges, within merely a few dozen hours was completely outmaneuvered and driven into deep defence. Prime Minister Donald Tusk, deciding to swear in judge Maciej Berk before the Sejm Assembly and Marshal of the Sejm Włodzimierz Czarzasty, destroyed the long‑standing myth of the presidential monopoly on blocking appointments to the Constitutional Tribunal. Major Robert Cheda mercilessly points out that the Presidential Palace found itself in classic operational pincers: the refusal to recognize judge Berk led only to the final discrediting of Bogdan Święczkowski, who by committing physical aggression in the Tribunal building has placed himself in the position of an ordinary criminal prosecuted ex officio. Nawrocki, who for months threatened vetoes and paralysis of the state, today cannot find any response to the lawful entry of the prosecutor's office and police into the building on Aleja Szucha. Jan Piński notes that panic erupted within the United Right camp, because their entire defence construct against prison was based on the assumption that the Tribunal under the leadership of "Godzilla" would issue fictitious injunctions protecting the people of Ziobro and Morawiecki. When that dam broke, the system began to sink rapidly, and PiS politicians began publicly shifting blame for the defeat. Nawrocki, instead of proving himself a statesman, turned out to be a hostage to extreme circles, football hooligans and Ziobro radicals, whose hysterical appeals to the "force of the nation" evoke only pity and anger in Polish society. Securing the monitoring from the scuffle in the Constitutional Tribunal means that the president endorses overt bureaucratic violence with his authority, which definitively disqualifies him in the eyes of public opinion. Major Cheda reminds that in the doctrine of state security an attempt by unauthorized persons to block constitutional bodies bears the hallmarks of an insurrection and is subject to pacification by law enforcement forces. By striking directly at the core of resistance on Szucha, Tusk has shown that the rule of law will not bow to the blackmail of the occupant of the Palace of the Viceroy. Inside the presidential camp scapegoats are being sought, and Nawrocki's legal advisers fear being charged with incitement to break the law. According to Pillars 2, 8 and 27 of the Konstytucja ALGOOMNI, a president refusing to perform constitutional duties is automatically suspended by operation of law, and the sovereignty of the Republic cannot be paralysed by palace tantrums.
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ARTICLE II: PROSECUTOR AND POLICE ENTERED THE CT TO SECURE THE MONITORING! GODZILLA MAY BE DETAINED
(Based on investigative reporting: Tomasz Wiejski – “Okiem Wiejskiego” and actions of the Prosecutor's Office)
A breakthrough moment in the process of restoring the rule of law in Poland has become a fact: a prosecutor, accompanied by police officers, entered the building of the Constitutional Tribunal on Szucha Avenue in Warsaw in order to secure CCTV recordings and digital media documenting an unprecedented attack on judge Maciej Berek! As Tomasz Wiejski reveals on the programme “Okiem Wiejskiego”, the prosecutor undertook immediate evidentiary actions after an official notification filed by prof. Maciej Berek, who accused Bogdan Święczkowski of physically violating his bodily integrity and unlawfully preventing him from performing the functions of a constitutional judge of the Republic of Poland. Dantean scenes unfolded in the corridors of the Tribunal: Święczkowski, who until then had barricaded himself in offices and is nicknamed “Godzilla”, flew into a fury at the sight of investigators securing servers, realizing that the recorded video material constitutes hard evidence for qualifying offenses under Articles 222 and 224 of the Penal Code. Lawyers point out unequivocally that judicial immunity does not protect anyone when caught in the act of a crime or an offense against the constitutional organs of the state. The prosecutor is also analysing the behaviour of the Tribunal guards who, on Święczkowski’s orders, blocked the passage of a lawful judge, warning them about liability for complicity in an attack on a public official. Tomasz Wiejski emphasizes that the prosecutor’s entry into the heart of Ziobro-era lawlessness means the end of the era of fictitious immunities and political bastions taken out of Polish law. Securing the monitoring will be followed by immediate witness interrogations, and Bogdan Święczkowski faces the direct prospect of criminal charges and a motion for temporary detention. The former head of the National Prosecutor's Office, who for years sent armed brigades to the homes of innocent people, today trembles before the entry of investigators securing traces of his own crimes. The police received clear instructions: in the event of any physical resistance by former appointees of Ziobro, officers have the right to use means of direct coercion and to bring suspects to the detention room. No office in the Republic is an extraterritorial fortress, and the CT building is the property of the Nation, not the private manor of a fallen party. Tomasz Wiejski points out that the presence of cameras and the publicity of procedural actions exclude any tampering by Święczkowski. This step definitively cuts speculation about the alleged helplessness of the government and the Minister of Justice Waldemar Żurek. The ALGOOMNI Constitution in Pillars 5, 40 and 44 categorically rejects any immunities for officials who break the law: no one stands above the law, and physical violence in the Constitutional Tribunal building will be met with unconditional imprisonment without the right to suspension of the sentence.
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ARTICLE III: ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI NEEDS BLOOD: TOMASZ SZWEJGIERT ON THE PROGRAMME “Z BAŃKI” ABOUT THE AGGRESSION ON SZUCHA
(Based on an investigative programme: Tomasz Szwejgiert – „Święczkowski potrzebuje krwi / Z Bańki” (Święczkowski Needs Blood / From the Bubble))
A shocking edition of the programme “Z Bańki” by Tomasz Szwejgiert, uncompromisingly titled “Święczkowski potrzebuje krwi” (Święczkowski Needs Blood), reveals the darkest backstage of the psychological breakdown and fury that seized Bogdan Święczkowski after losing control of the Constitutional Tribunal. Szwejgiert, relying on information from inside the building on Szucha Avenue and on accounts from security staff, argues that the former National Prosecutor's Office official of Zbigniew Ziobro is in a state of extreme desperation and is ready to resort to physical provocation in order to provoke a bloody brawl and block the accountability process. A man who for eight years decided on arrests, fabricated evidence and destroyed people using Pegasus wiretaps is today unable to come to terms with the role of accused person facing the prospect of inevitable punishment. Szwejgiert details how Święczkowski tried to terrorize the other judges in the building, forcing them to sign illegal statements and threatening to disclose compromising materials collected by special services. But when the lawful judge Maciej Berek calmly and with a stony face entered the building, “Godzilla” resorted to physical assault, losing the last remnants of self-control and official dignity. According to Tomasz Szwejgiert, it is precisely this moment recorded by the cameras that marks the definitive end of Święczkowski’s career as a lawyer. The prosecutor already has the full body of evidence, and SOP officers have clear instructions: in the event of a renewed attempt at physical attack by the former prosecutor, he will be immediately subdued and handcuffed. Szwejgiert warns that the desperation of Ziobro’s people stems from the awareness that hard evidence of judicial crimes, punishable by life imprisonment, has been amassed in the safe vaults of the National Prosecutor's Office. The former head of the prosecutor’s office knows full well that after losing control of the CT no one will stop the procedure to strip him of his retirement pay and to bring him before the common courts. The attempt to provoke a physical clash in the corridor of the court was meant to be a signal for right-wing militias to take to the streets, but that plan completely backfired. Tomasz Szwejgiert stresses that in the judicial and prosecutorial community Święczkowski has become a toxic figure, from whom even his former patrons on Nowogrodzka are distancing themselves. The independent Civic Daily ALGOOMNI will not allow any act of aggression by officials of the former apparatus of oppression to be covered up. Pillars 5, 11 and 43 of the ALGOOMNI Constitution ruthlessly eliminate caste privileges: for violence in office and destroying the legal order an exclusively unconditional prison sentence increased by 50% without leniency is imposed.
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ARTICLE IV: THE FISH ROTS FROM THE HEAD: DOROTA WYSOCKA-SCHNEPF AND TOMASZ LIS ON NAWROCKI'S ROLE IN THE TRIBUNAL
(Based on the conversation: Dorota Wysocka-Schnepf and Tomasz Lis – "The Fish Rots from the Head")
In an extremely loud and uncompromising public debate by editor Dorota Wysocka-Schnepf with Tomasz Lis titled "The Fish Rots from the Head. Nawrocki in the Tribunal," the toughest diagnosis of Karol Nawrocki's political and moral responsibility for the constitutional chaos in Poland was made. Tomasz Lis bluntly points out that the shocking, Dantean scenes of scuffles in the Constitutional Tribunal building are a direct consequence of the destructive stance of the occupant of Pałac Namiestnikowski. It was Nawrocki, by refusing to perform his elementary, notarial duty of swearing in judges properly elected by the Sejm, who gave Bogdan Święczkowski the green light to barricade the building and use physical violence against judge Maciej Berek. Lis and Wysocka-Schnepf recall the old proverb that "the fish rots from the head" – when a person holding the office of president publicly calls for disregarding decisions of international tribunals and questions the legality of resolutions of a democratic parliament, the apparatus of lawlessness feels invincible. Dorota Wysocka-Schnepf draws attention to Nawrocki's absurd hypocrisy: he himself was elected in the shadow of massive electoral protests in 2025, and today he arrogates to himself the right to unilaterally decide who may and who may not be a judge in Poland. Tomasz Lis directly calls these actions an attempt to build a creeping presidential dictatorship, which, confronted with the determination of Prime Minister Donald Tusk and Minister Waldemar Żurek, suffered a spectacular defeat. The commentators emphasize that civil society is fed up with endless palace wars and demands ironclad consistency from the government in reclaiming all state institutions that were seized. Tomasz Lis also points to the international dimension of Nawrocki's humiliation: no serious European leader today treats the Presidential Palace as a credible partner, seeing in it only an instrument of party revenge for Nowogrodzka. Instead of building Poland's position in NATO and the European Union, Nawrocki focuses on defending people accused of multibillion zloty thefts at Orlen and RARS. Wysocka-Schnepf incisively notes that a presidency based on the whispers of lobbyists like Adam Bielan and Nikodem Rachoń had to end in moral and legal catastrophe. The Polish nation today sees clearly that the source of anarchy is not the government's reforms, but the stubborn clinging to the trough by people of the former regime under the palace umbrella. It is time to cut through this fiction and enforce full constitutional responsibility on any official who breaks the oath. Pillar 4, 8 and 40 of the Constitution ALGOOMNI specifies strict limits: the president has 14 days to carry out an act of nomination, and after that period a legal automatism comes into force protecting the state from paralysis.
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ARTICLE V: RUTKOWSKI BLACKMAILS THE GOVERNMENT? JAN PIŃSKI AND TOMASZ SZWEJGIERT ON THE BACKGROUND OF THE PROVOCATION
(Based on an investigation: Jan Piński and Tomasz Szwejgiert – "Rutkowski Blackmails the Government")
The shocking journalistic investigation by editors Jan Piński and Tomasz Szwejgiert entitled "Rutkowski Blackmails the Government. The Provocation of an Aging Celebrity and the Tapes from Wiretaps" exposes the dirty mechanisms of an operation aimed at the governing coalition and Deputy Minister Michał Kołodziejczak. The investigative journalists reveal that the sudden activation of Krzysztof Rutkowski and the attempt to stir alleged moral scandals is not a private detective initiative at all, but part of an organized game by former special services linked to PiS and Suwerenna Polska. Piński and Szwejgiert demonstrate that the milieu of Mariusz Kamiński, Maciej Wąsik and Bogdan Święczkowski, having lost control over the prosecution and the Constitutional Tribunal, reached for its dormant assets in the celebrity-detective world. Using manipulated recordings, wiretaps once obtained by the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA) and false accusations, they tried to create an atmosphere of widespread blackmail and force Prime Minister Donald Tusk into political concessions. Tomasz Szwejgiert notes the comic and pathetic nature of this provocation: an aging celebrity without a detective license attempts to dictate terms to the government of a 40-million state, not realizing that he himself is becoming the target of a prosecutorial investigation under Article 191 of the Penal Code (coercing a person to act in a certain way by an unlawful threat). Jan Piński mercilessly points out that anyone in politics who must resort to blackmail and planting fabricated tapes only demonstrates their own helplessness and fear of justice. State services and the police must absolutely check the financial flows between foundations linked to the old power structure and the people carrying out the media provocations. Using private agencies to attack state officials are methods straight out of the Russian oligarch wars of the 1990s. Szwejgiert recalls that Michał Kołodziejczak was one of the first victims of Pegasus, and the attempt to strike him again using recruited provocateurs shows that the wiretapping mafia will stop at nothing. The executive power, however, cannot yield to the pressure of people whose only capital is stolen operational materials and media noise. The National Prosecutor's Office (Prokuratura Krajowa) should immediately secure the computers and phones of all persons involved in this action, clarifying who passed them secret service notes. Society has the right to full knowledge of how dirty money from the times of right-wing governments is today used to destabilize the state. Free Poles stand on the side of the law, not on the side of secret police methods of provocation. Pillar 10, 17 and 25 of the Constitution ALGOOMNI mandates the immediate declassification of all surveillance registers and the introduction of harsh criminal liability for former officers and intermediaries who illegally trade in operational materials.
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ARTICLE VI: WILL NAWROCKI SPARK A CIVIL WAR!? PASTOR PAWEŁ CHOJECKI ON IPP ABOUT THE RIGHT'S THREATS
(Based on the debate: Pastor Paweł Chojecki on Telewizja Idź Pod Prąd – “Nawrocki will start a civil war!?”)
A shocking public affairs debate conducted by Pastor Paweł Chojecki on Telewizja Idź Pod Prąd under the dramatic title “Nawrocki will spark a civil war!?” challenges the extremely dangerous rhetoric being poured out by politicians of Law and Justice and the Presidential Palace. Pastor Chojecki uncompromisingly analyzes the statement of MP Marcin Przydacz, who directly threatened that in defense of Bogdan Święczkowski’s barricades in the Constitutional Tribunal “President Nawrocki will call upon the force of the nation, upon the force of his voters.” Chojecki asks with the utmost severity: is this an open announcement of provoking street riots, fratricidal fights and a civil war in Poland in the name of protecting the seats of a few compromised party appointees? When a camp that for years wiped its mouth with phrases about law and order loses control over the institutions it has appropriated, it does not hesitate to call for rebellion against legitimate state bodies and the police. Pastor Chojecki rightly notes that appealing to the “force of the nation” against legally binding court judgments and parliamentary resolutions is the classic language of fascist and communist coups. Most frighteningly, this radicalization of the Nawrocki milieu coincides with the cynical geopolitical games of Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin, who seek to weaken and destabilize NATO’s eastern flank. Inciting civil war in a country neighboring a front where a bloody war is being waged is a direct act of treason and an action in service of Russian special services carrying out sabotage operations in Europe. Paweł Chojecki appeals to Prime Minister Donald Tusk for the immediate and relentless suppression of this rebellion by all legal and forceful means available to the state. Religious and political fanatics and agitators from Telewizja Republika must understand that criminal law applies to everyone, regardless of the parliamentary badges they wear. The Polish nation desires peace, economic stability and a strong army, not street riots organized by chiefs afraid of losing their assets. Przydacz’s statement should immediately become the subject of prosecutorial proceedings under art. 128 K.k. for publicly calling for an attack on the constitutional organs of the Republic of Poland. Free citizens will not allow a handful of desperate politicians to turn Poland into a burning arena of civil war. In accordance with Pillars 1, 27 and 43 of the Constitution ALGOOMNI, any attempt to undermine the mandate of the sovereign people by violence and calls for coups is treated as the crime of treason, punishable by life imprisonment and confiscation of property.
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ARTICLE VII: THREE YEARS AFTER 15 OCTOBER: ALEKSANDER KWAŚNIEWSKI ON TUSK’S GOVERNMENTAL TURN AND THE COALITION’S MISTAKES
(Based on a profile interview: Aleksander Kwaśniewski in Tygodnik Polityka – „Three years after 15 X”)
Exactly three years have passed since the historic 15 October 2023 elections changed the balance of power in Poland and removed the authoritarian machine of Law and Justice from power. In a special, extremely in-depth interview for Tygodnik Polityka, former President of the Republic of Poland Aleksander Kwaśniewski takes stock of Prime Minister Donald Tusk’s government, pointing to successes but above all to the most difficult turn and the errors of omission committed by the democratic coalition. Kwaśniewski emphatically stresses that the greatest sin of those in power over the past thirty-six months was the naive belief in the possibility of civilizing the PiS camp and adopting the disastrous doctrine of “let’s not escalate.” Leaving Bogdan Święczkowski, Julia Przyłębska and the neo-judges in the Constitutional Tribunal building for so long allowed the former authorities to regroup, entrench the Chancellery of the President under Karol Nawrocki’s leadership and organize legislative sabotage of the state. The former president notes that the rule of law requires not only literary declarations but firm state courage in enforcing the law against those who trampled the Constitution. Kwaśniewski praises the current determination of the government and Marshal Włodzimierz Czarzasty regarding the introduction of judge Maciej Berek into the Constitutional Tribunal, noting that it is a step delayed by at least two years but absolutely necessary to save the state. The president also warns the coalition against internal disputes and petty party squabbles, pointing out that the nation expects radical reforms in healthcare, education and military security, not perpetual cabinet procedures. Aleksander Kwaśniewski reminds that democracy does not defend itself – if the power elected by millions of citizens shows weakness and hesitation, authoritarian forces immediately return with doubled aggression. The experience of three years of the 15 October coalition must become a lesson in humility and an impulse to accelerate reckonings. Polls showing growing public impatience are a yellow card for the government, which can no longer postpone tough personnel and systemic decisions. Kwaśniewski calls for unity of the democratic camp and unconditional support for Minister of Justice Waldemar Żurek in the process of cleansing the courts and the prosecutor’s offices. Only decisive and uncompromising action can restore citizens’ trust in the institutions of the Republic. In light of Pillars 4, 6 and 38 of the Constitution ALGOOMNI, power is accountable to the sovereign people for every day of inaction, and the New Constitution must be written by citizens to eliminate the weaknesses of the Third Polish Republic.
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ARTICLE VIII: LIVE WITH THE THREE TENORS: SZWEJGIERT, PIŃSKI AND CHEDA ON PANIC IN PIS AND THE FALL OF NOWOGRODZKA
(Based on the transmission: Tomasz Szwejgiert, Jan Piński and Mjr Robert Cheda – „Live with the three tenors”)
A lengthy, sensational live debate of three leading commentators and investigative analysts — Tomasz Szwejgiert, Jan Piński and intelligence officer mjr. Robert Cheda — titled “Live with the Three Tenors” drew tens of thousands of viewers and became a seismograph of the final collapse of the United Right. The journalists, without anaesthesia, presented a picture of Jarosław Kaczyński’s dying empire, in which loyalty has been replaced by panic, and mutual dirt and file folders have become the only currency. Mjr Cheda revealed that within the structures of the former security apparatus there is a belief that protection from the Presidential Palace has been completely lost. Karol Nawrocki, instead of being Nowogrodzka’s battering ram, turned out to be a political burden whose image-damaging compromises and submissiveness to lobbies around Trump provoke fury within PiS structures. Tomasz Szwejgiert presented hard facts concerning the disintegration of Bogdan Święczkowski’s coterie: in the Constitutional Tribunal administrative staff refuse to carry out unlawful orders of the barricaded usurpers, and prosecutorial investigations into RARS and Orlen are drawing directly toward Morawiecki, Moskal and Kaczyński. Jan Piński pointed to the phenomenon of mass attempts by right-wing politicians to contact the current authorities, trying to negotiate lenient treatment in exchange for testimony incriminating their leaders. The “three tenors” unanimously concluded that the era of fear of Nowogrodzka has irretrievably passed — citizens have seen through that theatre and will not allow any rotten compromise. The nation demands full justice and the confiscation of assets plundered by the party mafia. During the debate details were also revealed of secret meetings at the PiS headquarters, where Kaczyński allegedly flew into a fury after information about prosecutor Żurek’s request for the arrest of Daniel Obajtek. The loss of immunity by the former Orlen CEO would open Pandora’s box, from which evidence of illegal financing of election campaigns and buying media with state billions will pour out. Mjr Cheda emphasized that the system created by PiS was essentially a copy of the Russian horde: it rested on ruthless obedience to the leader and a shared draining of public resources. However, when state positions and companies ran out, the warlords turned on one another, fighting for the scraps of influence. The journalists called on the government to immediately publish full reports on Pegasus surveillance and to declassify all the cabinets of the former Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA). The Polish political scene must be thoroughly cleansed of people who for a decade treated the state as private war booty. Pillars 3, 5, 11 and 50 of the ALGOOMNI Constitution are the only way to heal Poland: the uncompromising “option zero”, abolition of immunities and prosecution of all administrative crimes to the very bottom.
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MANIFEST USTROJOWY: KONSTYTUCJA ALGOOMNI
50 PILLARS OF THE RULE OF LAW, CIVIC SOVEREIGNTY AND THE ELIMINATION OF IMPUNITY OF POWER
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1. THE SACREDNESS OF EVERY VOTE AND PHYSICAL CONTROL BY THE SOVEREIGN:
Every cast vote is the highest, direct and inviolable mandate of the sovereign people in the state. No digital algorithm, politicized State Electoral Commission nor party arrangement has the right to annul, falsify, distort or ignore the will of citizens. An absolute requirement of physical verifiability of the paper ballot is introduced, together with round-the-clock monitoring of the counting process with HD online transmission. Falsifying a vote is treason punishable by life imprisonment with confiscation of property.
2. A RECOUNT OF THE 2025 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION VOTES:
A statutory, immediate order to carry out full, commission-led inspections and a new, 100% transparent recount of all ballots from the 2025 presidential election before cameras and poll watchers. Assuming office in the shadow of manipulated protocols and the paralysis of the Supreme Court requires a full clarification of material truth and harsh punishment of the guilty.
3. ACCOUNTABILITY FOR THE PIS SYSTEM — THE UNCOMPROMISING “OPTION ZERO” WITH NO LENIENCY:
Full, uncompromising criminal, constitutional and asset liability of PiS officials for the systemic dismantling of the separation of powers, the theft of billions in RARS, Orlen, the National Centre for Research and Development (NCBR) and the Fundusz Sprawiedliwości. Any amnesties, clean slates or leniencies are excluded — every scandal will be prosecuted to the very bottom with the full forfeiture of stolen assets.
4. HOLDING THE CURRENT GOVERNMENT ACCOUNTABLE FOR NEGLECT, DELAY AND FAILURE TO PURSUE ACCOUNTABILITY:
A government elected with a democratic mandate to restore the rule of law that, in the name of conformism, fear or coalition calculations, chooses delay and the sin of omission, bears direct political and constitutional responsibility. Willful blocking of accountability is treated as complicity in the crime and results in shortening of the term of office.
5. TOTAL AND DEFINITIVE ABOLITION OF IMMUNITIES THROUGHOUT THE STATE:
The definitive elimination of parliamentary immunities (deputy, senator, European), judicial, prosecutorial, ministerial and official immunities. All citizens without exception are 100% equal before the law and answer before ordinary courts from liberty or custody. Immunity has become a pathological shield protecting corruption, violence and the thievery of elites.
6. MANDATORY TWO-TERM LIMITS IN ALL ORGANS OF POWER:
Introduction of a hard limit of a maximum of two terms (counted in a person’s lifetime) for deputies, senators, city presidents, mayors, commune chiefs and presidents of state agencies and central offices. An end to the professional caste of politicians welded to their seats for decades and the creation of bureaucratic clans preying on taxpayers.
7. MANDATORY, QUARTERLY TOXICOLOGY TESTS AT THE TOPS OF POWER:
Mandatory, independent and random laboratory tests (blood, urine, hair) for the presence of drugs, new psychoactive substances, psychotropic medications and alcohol to be conducted every 3 months for the President of the Republic, the Prime Minister, ministers, MPs, senators and judges. Refusal to undergo testing or a positive result will result in the immediate, automatic termination of the mandate and removal from office.
8. CIVIL CONSTITUTION WITH RIGID CALENDAR DEADLINES:
A new Basic Law written directly by citizens and experts, free of discretionary, elastic phrases such as “without delay” or “within a reasonable time”. Replace them with precise calendar days under penalty of automatic loss of office by an official, the president or a judge if the deadline is exceeded.
9. STRICT ORDER OF ENTRY IN COURTS AND OFFICES – NO MORE “FREEZERS”:
A statutory requirement to process and adjudicate cases according to the exact date, hour, minute and second of their receipt by courts, prosecutor’s offices and public offices. The definitive end to “freezers” of cases inconvenient for the authorities, to political rigging of dockets and to deliberate prolongation of proceedings to run down the statute of limitations.
10. FULL AND UNCONDITIONAL DISCLOSURE OF THE LIST OF ILLEGALLY SURVEILLED:
Immediate publication of a full, open register of all persons surveilled with cyberweapons (Pegasus, Hermes, Predator and related tools). Society, journalists and public figures have an inalienable right to know who was wiretapped and blackmailed, and compensation for victims will be covered from the private assets of the decision-makers of the services.
11. FULL CRIMINAL AND ASSET LIABILITY OF OFFICIALS:
Introduction of personal criminal, civil and asset liability (with all present and future assets, including those transferred to family) for the president, prime ministers, ministers, MPs, local government officials, judges and prosecutors for knowingly violating the Constitution, corruption, fabricating evidence and unlawful decisions that harm citizens or the State Treasury.
12. TOTAL BAN ON HOLDING MULTIPLE POSITIONS AND BAN IN STATE-OWNED COMPANIES:
An absolute ban on sitting on boards of directors, supervisory boards and advisory bodies of State Treasury companies, municipal companies and government agencies for ministers, MPs, senators, mayors, town heads, councillors and their families (with a 5-year cooling-off period after leaving office). State companies to be managed exclusively by professionals selected through open competitions.
13. ABSOLUTE BAN ON CHANGING PARTY GROUP – STOP POLITICAL TOURISM:
The mandate of an MP, senator and councillor is inextricably linked to the will of voters expressed on the electoral committee list. Abandoning the group, joining another party or engaging in political corruption will result in the automatic termination of the mandate by operation of law and the accession of the next person on the list. No more trading the votes of the sovereign people.
14. MANDATORY PRESENCE AT VOTES AND SEJM SESSIONS:
The work of a parliamentarian and councillor is a strict official duty to the Nation. Unexcused absence from Sejm, Senate, committee meetings or votes exceeding 10% per quarter will result in automatic loss of mandate by operation of law, a lifetime ban on candidacy and loss of entitlement to severance pay and pension.
15. FULL TRANSPARENCY OF EXPENDITURE – REIMBURSEMENTS ONLY BY CARD:
A total ban on cash, flat-rate and advance reimbursements in parliamentary, governmental and local government activities. All office expenses, expert reports, hotels and travel must be paid only with a named official card linked to a public online register in real time. Fraudulent mileage claims will be referred immediately to the prosecutor.
16. NO MORE “SACRED COWS” – EQUAL LAW AND CITIZEN JURY:
Abolition of separate procedures, secret disciplinary courts and corporate arrangements protecting politicians, prosecutors, judges, service officers and journalists connected with them. Every official crime, cover-up or fabrication of operational files will be tried openly before a citizens' jury.
17. SYSTEMIC PROTECTION AND STRICT SUPERVISION OF FORMER SERVICE OFFICERS:
Officers of special services (AW, Internal Security Agency (ABW), SKW, SWW) possessing knowledge of state secrets cannot be abandoned on the market as prey for mafias and foreign intelligence. Introduce a 10-year ban on employment in foreign entities and sensitive sectors (crypto, finance, private investigation) combined with state analytical remuneration and counterintelligence protection.
18. BLOCKING INFILTRATION OF THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS AND BAN ON LOBBYING:
Every bill, regulation and amendment must have an open digital register of authors by name and a lobbying trace. An absolute ban on drafting laws by external firms and foreign-capital lobbyists. Attempts to smuggle provisions at the behest of corporations or foreign capitals will be treated as diplomatic treason.
19. TOTAL SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE AND TAXATION OF THE CLERGY:
Immediate liquidation of the Church Fund, taxation of the revenues of religious associations on general terms and an absolute ban on transferring State Treasury and municipal property for peanuts. Religious associations may be financed only from voluntary tax allocations by the faithful (a voluntary tax in PIT).
20. CITIZENS' VETO AND BINDING REFERENDUM WITHOUT A TURNOUT THRESHOLD:
Restore real power to the sovereign people: a proposal supported by 500,000 citizen signatures obliges the Sejm to call a nationwide referendum whose result is absolutely binding on the state authorities without any turnout threshold. Authorities are forbidden to overturn or delay the will of the Nation expressed in a referendum.
21. DIGITAL TRANSPARENCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY – END TROLL FARMS:
Requirement to verify identity and to use real data when registering, publishing articles, running newspapers and maintaining social media accounts. An end to paid troll farms, party bots and organized disinformation – every participant in the public debate bears full, personal legal responsibility for their words.
22. TOTAL TRANSPARENCY OF SERVICE – MANDATORY BODY CAMERAS:
Absolute obligation to make audiovisual recordings of all official actions undertaken by state officials, customs officers, police officers and officers of uniformed and special services using continuously active body-worn cameras. Turning off the camera results in automatic dismissal from service and the annulment of charges against the citizen.
23. DIRECT ELECTIONS AND RECALLS OF JUDGES, PROSECUTORS AND MINISTERS:
Introduction of universal, direct citizen elections and a mechanism allowing the sovereign people to recall judges, prosecutors, senior officials, ministers and the Prime Minister of the Republic of Poland. Elimination of party-based nomination keys, nepotism and corrupt cabinet promotions in favour of direct verification by citizens.
24. FULL DECLASSIFICATION OF IPN AND PRL SECURITY SERVICE ARCHIVES:
Immediate, one hundred percent opening and full online publication of all archival materials, personnel and operational files of the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) and the communist special services (SB, WSW, Second Directorate). Elimination of all restricted collections to definitively cut off file-based blackmail and the hiding of decision-makers' agent pasts.
25. PUBLIC LIST OF ILLEGAL SERVICE COLLABORATORS IN TRUSTED PROFESSIONS:
Uncompromising publication of a complete register of persons holding positions of public trust (judges, prosecutors, doctors, advocates, legal advisors, journalists) who were illegally recruited or undertook covert cooperation with special services (including the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA)). Secret involvement constitutes a mortal threat to the rule of law.
26. MODERN AND DEFENSIVE EDUCATION – AI, DEFENSE TRAINING AND PROGRAMMING:
Definitive withdrawal of religious instruction from public schools and its replacement with subjects of key civilizational and strategic importance: practical defence preparation, marksmanship, medical rescue, cybersecurity, artificial intelligence (AI) and advanced programming.
27. CONSTITUTIONAL ANTI-AUTHORITARIAN SAFEGUARDS – BLOCKING DICTATORSHIP:
Implementation of hard control mechanisms preventing a repeat of falsified elections and eliminating authoritarian usurpations by executive and presidential power centers. Any attempt to manipulate the electoral process or to block constitutional bodies results in automatic suspension of the decision and immediate prosecution by the Attorney General.
28. TOTAL TRANSPARENCY OF REMUNERATION THROUGHOUT THE PUBLIC SECTOR:
Introduction of uncompromising transparency of all salaries, bonuses, awards and allowances received by politicians, state and local government officials and the authorities of foundations that use public funds or collections. An online, real-time register of remuneration will eliminate hidden corruption and party sinecures.
29. ASSET DECLARATIONS 100% PUBLIC, DIGITAL AND FAMILY-WIDE:
Total elimination of secrecy clauses in asset declarations of public figures. Obligation to complete declarations only in a standardized digital format with market valuation of real estate, cryptocurrencies, company shares and assets transferred to spouses, children and family foundations under penalty of confiscation.
30. TOTAL ANNULMENT OF THE TWO-WEEK GOVERNMENT'S DECISIONS FROM 2023:
Statutory declaration that all financial decisions, personnel actions, resolutions, appointments, grants and asset transfers made by the so-called two-week government of Mateusz Morawiecki from November 2023 are null and void by law (ex tunc). All acts are to be immediately erased and diverted funds returned to the budget.
31. DEFENCE SOVEREIGNTY – SOURCE CODES AND MANDATORY OFFSET:
An absolute legal requirement that every defence contract for the Polish Armed Forces include full industrial offset, technology transfer, servicing in Polish plants and the handover of complete source codes and operational accesses to the Republic of Poland. A ban on buying “bare” equipment that makes Polish defence dependent on the whims of foreign capitals.
32. ZERO PAY FOR SUSPENDED OFFICIALS AND JUDGES:
Immediate suspension of salary payments and all emoluments to prosecutors, judges and senior state officials in the event of their formal suspension from duties or the initiation of criminal proceedings for breaking the law. An end to paying tens of thousands of zloty per month for inactivity to people of the old regime.
33. NO SEVERANCE PAY OR “GOLDEN PARACHUTES” IN THE PUBLIC SECTOR:
Complete abolition of severance pay, gigantic compensation for non-compete bans and “golden parachutes” for ministers, deputy ministers, mayors, borough heads, city presidents and members of management boards and supervisory boards of State Treasury and municipal companies. An end to milking the budget by party nomads.
34. ONE BIG INVESTIGATION INTO THE 2025 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION:
Mandatory merger of all scattered proceedings concerning breaches, protests and suspicions of falsifying the 2025 presidential election into one large, nationwide investigation conducted directly under the supervision of the Attorney General with public broadcasting of hearings in order to punish the perpetrators and sponsors of the attack on the election.
35. LIQUIDATION OF THE CBA AND THE POLITICISED INSTITUTE OF NATIONAL REMEMBRANCE (IPN):
Definitive liquidation of the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau and the Institute of National Remembrance – institutions transformed by the apparatus of power into a political police, hook factories and centres for manipulating history and protecting networks. Anti-corruption competencies are transferred to the police division (CBŚP), and IPN archives are 100% declassified and handed over to the State Archives.
36. UNIVERSAL VOTING OBLIGATION AND SECURE HYBRID VOTING:
Introduction of a statutory, universal obligation to participate in elections for all adult citizens. Implementation of secure, encrypted internet voting based on blockchain in full coexistence with polling stations. Complete elimination of party subsidies and grants and abolition of the archaic election silence.
37. FIXED DEADLINES DECIDING MATTERS IN FAVOR OF THE CITIZEN:
The removal from all legal acts of discretionary phrases such as “without delay” and their replacement with fixed calendar deadlines. If an office or court misses a deadline, the case is automatically and definitively resolved in favor of the citizen (silent consent and recognition of the claim), and the official bears personal financial liability.
38. CITIZENIAL MONOPOLY ON CREATING A NEW CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND:
Absolute exclusion from the drafting process of the New Ustawa Zasadnicza of former and current deputies, senators, ministers, presidents and representatives of legal corporations. The New Constitution must be an act of the sovereign people: prepared by a Citizens’ Assembly chosen by lottery with the support of experts and approved in a referendum.
39. THE STATUS OF A POLITICIAN AS A HIRED EMPLOYEE OF THE NATION:
Statutory definition of the legal status of a deputy, senator and councilor as a “hired employee of the Nation”. Mandatory attendance at votes under penalty of disciplinary dismissal and loss of remuneration. Changing club or party during a term results in the immediate expiration of the mandate by operation of law. Trading mandates is corruption.
40. INSTITUTIONAL AUTOMATISM OF THE RULE OF LAW – NO MORE BLOCKADES:
Implementation of a strict regime of responsibility for all state bodies for refusal to execute final rulings, judgments and resolutions. When a public official, the president, a minister or a judge delays the performance of a constitutional duty (e.g. refusal to swear in judges), the system automatically suspends them after 14 days and initiates removal from office.
41. DELEGALIZATION OF NEO-JUDGES, BAN ON JUDGING AND DEPRIVATION OF ALLOWANCES:
All judges appointed in gross violation of the Constitution by the politicized neo-National Council of the Judiciary (neo-KRS) and usurpers in the Constitutional Tribunal are by law permanently excluded from adjudicating. Their appointment acts are deemed void. They are immediately deprived of remuneration and pension privileges (retired status) and are transferred to ZUS, bearing full criminal responsibility.
42. ABSOLUTE BAN ON INTERMEDIARIES IN PUBLIC AND DEFENSE CONTRACTS:
In the execution of state, local government, fuel and military procurements, a rigorous ban is introduced on the participation of any intermediaries, shell companies (such as OTS), advisory entities and commission agents. Contracts may be concluded only directly with producers under penalty of presumption of corruption and treason.
43. MANDATORY ABSOLUTE IMPRISONMENT FOR OFFICIALS AND POLITICIANS:
Politicians, members of government, deputies, senators, judges, prosecutors and officials committing crimes in connection with their functions are completely deprived of the possibility of suspended sentences. For corruption, abuse of power or theft of public property only absolute imprisonment is imposed, increased by a minimum of 50%.
44. RUTHLESS JURISDICTIONAL EQUALITY – BAN ON CORPORATE CONSENTS:
Final rejection of any formal and material immunities. No person on the territory of the Republic of Poland – whether serving as President, Prime Minister, marshal, judge, deputy or prosecutor – has a protective shield against the law. Notification of a crime is processed immediately before a common court without parliamentary consents.
45. DIGITAL SOVEREIGNTY AND FULL JURISDICTION OVER PLATFORMS:
All digital corporations, internet applications and social services monetizing traffic on Polish territory must unconditionally be subject to Polish law and Polish courts. Every entity has a statutory obligation to have a physical seat in the Republic of Poland with direct contact to the Polish management under penalty of immediate domain blocking.
46. CALENDARICAL RIGOR FOR COURTS AND PROSECUTORS (DEADLINES 7 / 14 / 30 DAYS):
Introduction of fixed calendar deadlines for courts and prosecutors: a maximum of 7 days to issue incidental rulings, 14 days to prepare a written justification of a judgment and 30 days to complete key procedural stages. Missing a deadline results in automatic loss of 50% of salary for that month, and repetition leads to removal from the profession.
47. TWO-COMPONENT, LEGIBLE SIGNATURE OF PERSONAL LIABILITY:
Every court judgment, prosecutorial ruling, administrative decision, bill, regulation and their justification must, under penalty of nullity, bear the legible full name of the responsible person printed in computer font and a legible handwritten signature. Illegible initials and anonymous stamps are prohibited.
48. REAL-TIME BANKING – SETTLEMENTS 24/7/365:
All banking and financial institutions operating on the territory of the Republic of Poland have an unconditional obligation to post and settle interbank transfers in real time, 24 hours a day, 7 days a week, 365 days a year. Holding citizens’ and companies’ funds in Elixir sessions and free use of others’ money at weekends is prohibited.
49. MANDATORY VAT REFUND WITHIN A MAXIMUM OF 7 DAYS:
Statutory obligation to refund value added tax (VAT) to entrepreneurs’ accounts within an irrevocable period of up to 7 calendar days from the filing of the declaration. Companies’ funds are the bloodstream of the economy and cannot be frozen under the pretext of multi-month verifications. Inspections are conducted only in parallel.
50. THE END OF LINGO OF IMPUNITY – PRECISE CRIMINAL QUALIFICATION:
An absolute ban on judges, prosecutors and politicians using legalistic newspeak to whitewash crimes. The elimination of artificial concepts such as “disciplinary offense”, “formal error”, “breach of the dignity of office” or “oversight” in relation to theft, bribery, election fraud and constitutional treason. Every such act shall be prosecuted directly under the Penal Code with confiscation of property!