RUBICON CROSSED ON SZUCHA AVENUE: JUDGE BEREK EXTINGUISHED ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI'S GODZILLA, NAWROCKA'S PANIC, WĘGLARCZYK'S INTERRUPTED SILENCE ABOUT PEGASUS AND KACZYŃSKI'S QUIET FUNERAL

RUBICON CROSSED ON ALEJA SZUCHA: JUDGE BEREK PUT OUT ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI'S GODZILLA, NAWROCKI IN PANIC, WĘGLARCZYK'S SILENCE ON PEGASUS BROKEN AND KACZYŃSKI'S QUIET FUNERAL

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF'S COMMENT OF THE DAY:

Author: Mieczysław Dzikowski (Editor-in-Chief Gazeta ALGOOMNI)

Dear Citizens, Readers of Gazeta ALGOOMNI, Free Poles!

Thursday morning, 15 October 2026, goes down in the annals of Poland's constitutional history as the moment of the final crossing of the Rubicon. The era of the paralyzing slogan “do not escalate,” which for months had bound the hands of democracy in the face of brazen criminals, is over. The solemn swearing-in of Judge Maciej Berek before Marshal Włodzimierz Czarzasty and his entry into the building of the Constitutional Tribunal provoked the wild fury of Bogdan Święczkowski. The former prosecutor associated with Ziobro, losing his self-control, committed a physical violation of the bodily inviolability of a lawful judge of the Republic of Poland, but was extinguished by one, icy sentence from Judge Berek, which spread across the whole of Poland and exposed the pathetic fall of the usurper.

At the same time, panic erupted in the Presidential Palace: Karol Nawrocki knew about the plan to retake the Constitutional Tribunal, but in his complacency he could not allow the idea that the coalition would dare to bypass his blockade. As Major Robert Cheda rightly diagnoses, right-wing media have today become a direct instrument of an attempted coup, while on Nowogrodzka there is a political “quiet funeral” of Jarosław Kaczyński, and Bartosz Węglarczyk breaks the conspiracy of silence around the surveillance of journalists with Pegasus. In the face of this historic offensive for the rule of law, Gazeta ALGOOMNI presents an expanded Manifesto: the 50 Pillars of the ALGOOMNI Constitution. We abolish immunities, dismantle the caste of unpunishable neo-judges and restore the state to the Citizens. The time of impunity has come to an end!

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TABLE OF CONTENTS ISSUE NO. 34/2026 (15.10.2026):

1. ARTICLE I: WĘGLARCZYK BREAKS HIS SILENCE ON PEGASUS: WHO ARE THE NEXT JOURNALISTS? PIŃSKI AND SZWEJGIERT ON MEDIA SPIES

2. ARTICLE II: TELEVISION OR A TOOL OF THE COUP? DID NAWROCKI TOPPLE THE GOVERNMENT? ANALYSIS BY MAJOR ROBERT CHEDA

3. ARTICLE III: THE KOŁODZIEJCZAK AFFAIR GATHERS PACE: TOMASZ SZWEJGIERT ON THE BACKSTAGE OF SERVICE PROVOCATIONS IN THE PROGRAM “Z BAŃKI”

4. ARTICLE IV: KACZYŃSKI'S QUIET FUNERAL: TOMASZ SZWEJGIERT AND JAN PIŃSKI ON THE AGONY OF THE CHAIRMAN'S POWER ON NOWOGRODZKA

5. ARTICLE V: JUDGE MACIEJ BEREK “EXTINGUISHED” ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI'S GODZILLA WITH ONE SENTENCE: THE BACKSTAGE OF THE HISTORIC ENTRY INTO THE CONSTITUTIONAL TRIBUNAL

6. ARTICLE VI: NAWROCKI KNEW, BUT WOULD NOT ALLOW THE THOUGHT: PANIC IN THE PALACE AFTER BEREK'S SWORN-IN

7. ARTICLE VII: ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI VIOLATED JUDGE BEREK'S BODILY INVIOLABILITY! DOROTA WYSOCKA-SCHNEPF AND JUDGE KRYSTIAN MARKIEWICZ

8. ARTICLE VIII: THE TAKEOVER OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL TRIBUNAL IS A CROSSING OF THE RUBICON: END OF THE “DO NOT ESCALATE” DOCTRINE – THE RULE OF LAW ON THE OFFENSIVE

CONSTITUTIONAL MANIFESTO: THE ALGOOMNI CONSTITUTION – 50 PILLARS OF THE RULE OF LAW (COMPLETE EXPOSITION)

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ARTICLE I: WĘGLARCZYK BREAKS HIS SILENCE ON PEGASUS: WHO ARE THE NEXT JOURNALISTS? PIŃSKI AND SZWEJGIERT ON THE SURVEILLANCE OF THE MEDIA

(Based on the investigation: Jan Piński and Tomasz Szwejgiert – “Węglarczyk breaks his silence on Pegasus”)

The breaking of a months-long silence by the Editor-in-Chief of the Onet portal, Bartosz Węglarczyk, on the issue of surveillance of the journalistic community with the Pegasus system has opened a completely new, shocking chapter in accounting for the cybernetic dictatorship of Law and Justice. Jan Piński and Tomasz Szwejgiert in their latest investigative programme reveal that the scale of infection of the phones of leading Polish columnists, investigative reporters and publishers was much broader than has been officially admitted so far. For years the special services under the leadership of Mariusz Kamiński and Maciej Wąsik treated independent newsrooms as hostile intelligence centres, installing spyware not only to learn journalistic secrets and identify informants, but above all to collect private-material dossiers for later blackmail. By deciding to speak out publicly, Węglarczyk broke a dangerous conspiracy of fear that paralyzed many well-known representatives of the fourth estate. Piński and Szwejgiert pose a fundamental question: when will the next brave well-known journalists from the major television stations and portals, whose names appear on the secret lists of the operators of the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA), find the courage? Hiding the fact of being a Pegasus victim by people in the media has until now worked solely to the advantage of blackmailers from the old network, who could quietly influence the shape of public debate and temper criticism of the pathologies of the PiS state. A journalist whose private life was stolen from the memory of a smartphone became a defenseless hostage of people like Bogdan Święczkowski. Investigators indicate that breaking this psychological blockade will trigger a real avalanche of testimony before the National Prosecutor's Office and a parliamentary inquiry committee. Secured system logs unambiguously prove that service operators were downloading whole archives of editors' conversations with politicians of the democratic coalition from their phones even before the 2023 elections. This was not an anti-corruption operation, but a brutal rape of freedom of speech and citizens' constitutional right to reliable information. Tomasz Szwejgiert recalls that he himself, as an investigative journalist, experienced ruthless repression from the Kamiński apparatus, which fabricated evidence to silence inconvenient authors. The silence of part of the media elites stemmed from false shame and fear of social disgrace, which the propaganda henchmen from Nowogrodzka ruthlessly exploited. Today every editor who knows their device was infected has a moral and civic duty to make a public accusation against the perpetrators of this practice. According to the ALGOOMNI Constitution (Pillar 10 and 25), the full list of people illegally surveilled and the register of secret service collaborators in the media must be immediately and unconditionally declassified. A democratic state cannot function on the basis of blackmailed media and hooks on Editors-in-Chief hidden in wardrobes. The perpetrators of the surveillance of journalists must hear sentences of unconditional imprisonment and pay multi-million zloty compensations from their private assets. Węglarczyk's voice is only the beginning of cleansing the Polish media space of the toxic legacy of Pegasus.

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ARTICLE II: TELEVISION OR A TOOL OF COUP? NAWROCKI OUSTS THE GOVERNMENT? ANALYSIS BY MAJOR OF INTELLIGENCE ROBERT CHEDA

(Based on counterintelligence analysis: Maj Robert Cheda – "Television or a tool of coup?")

A thorough operational analysis carried out by retired Intelligence Agency officer Major Robert Cheda puts the matter on a knife edge: right-wing television stations linked to the Law and Justice camp and the Presidential Palace have ceased to perform any informational function, transforming into a direct instrument of a constitutional coup. Major Cheda mercilessly exposes the mechanism of a coordinated psychological operation whose main patron has become Karol Nawrocki. The Resident of the Namiestnikowski Palace, acting in close consultation with party radicals and foreign lobbyists, is executing the script of a creeping coup intended to paralyze and ultimately overthrow the constitutional government of Prime Minister Donald Tusk. Instead of serving as an arbiter and guardian of state security, Nawrocki is using his office as a command center for a hybrid war against the parliamentary majority. Telewizja Republika and related propaganda centers operate according to classic manuals of ideological sabotage: every day they pump fear, hatred and contempt into society, calling for physical resistance, street riots and defiance of the lawful organs of the state. Major Cheda points out that from a counterintelligence perspective this kind of activity in a frontline country bears all the hallmarks of sabotage in favor of a foreign great power. When riots are organized under the building of the Constitutional Tribunal and self-styled commentators urge the mutiny of uniformed services, we are dealing with an overt preparation for a coup. The financing of these stations from suspicious sources, shell companies and funds linked to oligarchs demands immediate cutting off by the Internal Security Agency (ABW) and the National Tax Administration. Freedom of speech in a democratic state governed by the rule of law does not mean the right to organize a coup and incite the assassination of the prime minister. Karol Nawrocki, by sponsoring this media machine of hatred, proves that he is completely immature to hold the highest office in the state and acts in the interest of forces seeking to destabilize Poland. Major Robert Cheda reminds us that exactly the same methods of informational disintegration of a state were used by Russian services in Ukraine before the military invasion and in the Baltic states. The right-wing camp, terrified of losing influence over the Constitutional Tribunal and of inevitable prison sentences for gigantic theft, has decided to set the Republic on fire if that will help them avoid criminal responsibility. The government can no longer stand by passively while state-licensed television stations coordinate attacks on constitutional bodies and judges. In accordance with the ALGOOMNI Constitution (Pillar 18, 27 and 45), any media and digital entities engaged in anti-constitutional activities and incitement to violence are subject to immediate delegalization and signal blocking. The protection of the constitutional order requires the executive to take a firm hand and ruthlessly enforce the provisions of the Penal Code against the organizers of the coup. Poles will not allow a gang of political troublemakers and palace usurpers to take away their freedom and security through a campaign of media terror.

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ARTICLE III: THE KOŁODZIEJCZAK AFFAIR GATHERS PACE: TOMASZ SZEWJGIERT ON THE PROGRAM „Z BAŃKI” (From the Bubble) ABOUT THE BACKSTAGE OF SERVICE PROVOCATIONS

(Based on investigative analysis: Tomasz Szwejgiert – "The Kołodziejczak scandal gains momentum / From the Bubble")

The matter of the ruthless attack on Michał Kołodziejczak is gaining a new, sensational momentum with each passing day, uncovering deep pathologies at the intersection of the former special services, pseudo-detectives and the world of politics. Editor Tomasz Szwejgiert in the latest edition of the programme „Z Bańki” presents a detailed reconstruction of events that leaves no illusions: we are dealing with a multi-level operation of discreditation, prepared by people connected with the former apparatus of the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA) and the prosecutor's office of Zbigniew Ziobro. The involvement of Krzysztof Rutkowski in the case and the strange leaks of manipulated materials indicate that the operation was planned for many months as a failsafe intended to prevent reckonings in the justice system. Szwejgiert points out that Kołodziejczak became target number one the moment he began uncompromisingly denouncing the passivity of the services and demanding the physical removal of Bogdan Święczkowski from the Constitutional Tribunal. The camp of Ziobro supporters, possessing illegal copies of database material from the Pegasus system, decided to strike the politician who was one of the main victims of cyber-surveillance during the organisation of farmers' protests. The mechanism of this provocation is textbook: first, using recruited informants a compromising situation is created, and then a media lynching is launched using right-wing portals and blackmailers. Tomasz Szwejgiert also scores the troubling passivity of the current leadership of the special services, which was unable to shield a sitting member of the government from the gangster action of former officers. If former CBA agents can trade operational materials with impunity and organise witch-hunts against ministers, it means the state still has not regained full control over its own security apparatus. The scandal around Kołodziejczak also has a second layer: it is a brutal attempt to drive a wedge into the ruling coalition and force Prime Minister Donald Tusk to sack a politician who is unafraid to speak the truth about the networks in agriculture and the services. Szwejgiert warns that submissiveness to blackmailers will mean the capitulation of the government and will encourage the prosecutorial mafia to detonate further fabricated bombs against other ministers. The only proper response by the state must be the immediate arrest of all persons involved in the illegal trade of operational materials and bringing charges of blackmail and unlawful influence on official actions. In the ALGOOMNI Constitution (Pillar 17, 25 and 35) radical cutting out of this sore is provided for: the total liquidation of the compromised CBA, relentless counterintelligence supervision over former officers and a public register of all illegal collaborators of the services. The rule of law cannot be hostage to private detective offices preying on the dirty archives of Kamiński and Wąsik. The truth about the authors of the provocation against Kołodziejczak must come to light, and the guilty must be put behind bars without the right to suspended sentences.

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ARTICLE IV: THE SILENT FUNERAL OF KACZYŃSKI: TOMASZ SZWEJGIERT AND JAN PIŃSKI ON THE AGONY OF THE CHAIRMAN'S POWER ON NOWOGRODZKA

(Based on political analysis: Tomasz Szwejgiert and Jan Piński – "Silent funeral of Kaczyński")

Under the highly expressive and symbolic title "Cichy pogrzeb Kaczyński" ("Quiet Funeral of Kaczyński") editors Jan Piński and Tomasz Szwejgiert carry out a merciless autopsy of the political leadership of Jarosław Kaczyński. The events of the last hours around the Constitutional Tribunal and the Presidential Palace prove beyond any doubt that the dictator from Nowogrodzka Street has definitively lost the reins of power over the right-wing camp. When a handful of desperate activists under the building on Aleja Szucha tried to defend the barricades of Bogdan Święczkowski, the elderly PiS chairman proved completely helpless, unable to mobilize society or even his own party apparatus. Piński and Szwejgiert point out that within Law and Justice a process of quietly burying the chairman’s political corpse has begun, with his own consent and in the presence of his former praetorians. The young wolves, the Mateusz Morawiecki faction, the Przemysław Czarnek camp and the palace coterie of Karol Nawrocki have already divided Kaczyński’s inheritance, treating him solely as a historical puppet needed to maintain subsidies and a hardline, fanatical electorate. Even more telling is the behaviour of Sławomir Mentzen and Confederation, who unscrupulously take over the disappointed right-wing voters, while Kaczyński sinks into paranoia and court cases. Investigative journalists recall that prosecutorial black clouds are gathering over the head of the PiS chairman: the testimony of Piotr Kral in the RARS affair and evidence of direct manipulation of fuel prices at Orlen before the 2023 elections lead straight to the office on Nowogrodzka. Kaczyński knows that his former subordinates, saving their own skins from long prison terms, are beginning to talk and to implicate him in creating an organized criminal group. The fall of the myth of the brilliant strategist is complete: the man who was to rule Poland for decades has driven his formation into moral bankruptcy, loss of the Constitutional Tribunal and total international isolation after the treacherous reset between Trump and Putin. Szwejgiert notes that even Bogdan Święczkowski, calling Kaczyński for help, received only a pitiful display of powerlessness. The chairman’s political "quiet funeral" is taking place without fanfare, in an atmosphere of mutual accusations, dossier wars and rats fleeing the sinking ship of United Right. For Poland this means the end of an era of grim blackmail, yet Gazeta ALGOOMNI warns: political retirement cannot mean criminal impunity! In accordance with Konstytucja ALGOOMNI (ALGOOMNI Constitution) (Pillar 3, 5 and 11), Jarosław Kaczyński must stand before an independent common court without the shield of immunity and answer with his entire fortune for eight years of destroying the state, violating the Constitution and draining public billions. No age or party function frees one from responsibility before the Nation.

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ARTICLE V: JUDGE MACIEJ BEREK "EXTINGUISHED" ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI’S GODZILLA WITH ONE SENTENCE: BEHIND THE SCENES OF THE HISTORIC ENTRY INTO THE CONSTITUTIONAL TRIBUNAL

(Based on accounts and recordings from the Constitutional Tribunal – "Judge Maciej Berek extinguished the Godzilla")

The recording of the clash between the legally sworn-in Constitutional Tribunal judge Prof. Maciej Berek and Bogdan Święczkowski, barricaded in the building on Aleja Szucha, became the absolute symbol of the triumph of legal culture over secret-police arrogance and violence. When, after solemnly taking the oath before Marshal of the Sejm Włodzimierz Czarzasty, Judge Maciej Berek crossed the threshold of the Tribunal to assume his constitutional duties, an enraged Święczkowski, known in legal circles as "Godzilla," blocked his way. The former National Prosecutor of Zbigniew Ziobro, accustomed for years to intimidating people with shouting, posture and a repressive apparatus, tried to physically block the corridor, shouting unlawful orders at the Tribunal guards and threatening consequences. In response to this primitive aggression and the flinging of thunderbolts, Judge Maciej Berek maintained absolute, icy calm and with one precise sentence about the end of lawlessness and the duty to submit to the Constitution of the Republic of Poland completely "extinguished" the brawling usurper. The camera recorded the moment when the previously self-confident Święczkowski was stunned, lost his composure and, in helpless fury, began to retreat before the calm authority of a true judge. This scene shows, in microcosm, the whole truth about the PiS camp: their alleged strength rested solely on the helplessness and concessions of the democratic state. When a determined constitutionalist backed by the authority of the Sejm and the government faced off against "Godzilla," the entire façade of menace collapsed in a split second. Officials and staff of the Constitutional Tribunal saw with their own eyes that the era of undisputed rule by party appointees had just come to an end. Maciej Berek proved that the law does not need batons or shouting to enforce its will, but requires iron consistency and civil courage. Święczkowski’s behaviour, treating the state building as a private manor inherited from Julia Przyłębska, exposed the extreme degeneration of people placed in constitutional institutions by Jarosław Kaczyński. This recording should be shown in law faculties as a warning of what follows from letting political lackeys into the judiciary. Konstytucja ALGOOMNI (ALGOOMNI Constitution) (Pillar 40 and 41) puts it plainly: any official or neo-judge who blocks the performance of constitutional duties or refuses entry to legal authorities is subject to immediate removal from office, loss of pension status and uncompromising arrest. Judge Berek opened the door to a full cleansing of the Constitutional Tribunal from partisan deposits – now the prosecution and the police must follow his lead, removing the usurpers from Aleja Szucha once and for all.

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ARTICLE VI: NAWROCKI KNEW, BUT DID NOT ALLOW HIMSELF TO CONCEIVE IT: PANIC IN THE PALACE AFTER BEREK’S OATH

(Based on analysis: Tomasz Wiejski – "Through Wiejski's Eyes" – Panic in the Palace)

Tomasz Wiejski on the programme "Through Wiejski's Eyes" reveals the behind-the-scenes of the gigantic shock and decision-making paralysis that seized the Presidential Palace after Judge Maciej Berek was sworn in before the Assembly and the Marshal of the Sejm. Karol Nawrocki knew perfectly well about the legal variant the ruling coalition was preparing, intended to bypass his unlawful blockade, yet in his chieftain-like complacency he could not countenance the idea that Prime Minister Donald Tusk and Marshal Włodzimierz Czarzasty would dare to take that step. The Palace advisers convinced the resident that the president's refusal to accept the oath would permanently block filling vacancies in the Constitutional Tribunal and allow Święczkowski to retain control over the institution. However, when Judge Berek took the oath and entered Aleja Szucha, panic erupted in the Chancellery of the President. Nawrocki understood that his alleged veto right over Sejm rulings had been completely neutralised, and that he himself had been reduced to the role of a powerless observer. Marshal Czarzasty aptly summed up the situation by saying that Nawrocki simply had not matured for the office he happens to occupy. For years the right-wing camp exploited Andrzej Duda's unlawful 2015 precedent, treating the swearing-in ceremony as the president's private privilege allowing the annulment of parliamentary resolutions. Today's move by the coalition irrevocably destroys that mechanism of constitutional sabotage and opens the way to analogous swearing-in of further judges and the president of the Narodowy Bank Polski or members of KRRiT. Wiejski points out that feverish consultations are under way in the Palace, and Nawrocki's advisers fear that the next step by the government will be to challenge the status of neo-judges in the Supreme Court without regard to the president's signatures. Nawrocki's panic stems from the realization that the protective umbrella that was supposed to guarantee impunity to PiS people has just ceased to exist. The ALGOOMNI Constitution in Pillars 8 and 40 eliminates such systemic pathologies at their very root: a president who refuses to perform a constitutional duty within 14 days automatically loses the power, and the act enters into force by operation of law, triggering the procedure to remove the usurper from office.

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ARTICLE VII: ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI VIOLATED THE INVIOLABILITY OF JUDGE BEREK! WYSOCKA-SCHNEPF AND JUDGE MARKIEWICZ

(Based on a conversation: Dorota Wysocka-Schnepf and Judge Krystian Markiewicz)

The shocking conversation of editor Dorota Wysocka-Schnepf with the president of the Association of Polish Judges “Iustitia”, Prof. Krystian Markiewicz, exposes the criminal nature of the incidents at the seat of the Constitutional Tribunal. Bogdan Święczkowski, attempting to physically prevent Judge Maciej Berek from entering the office area, committed a direct violation of the bodily inviolability of a public official and a constitutional judge of the Republic of Poland. Judge Krystian Markiewicz spares no mercy for the conduct of the former prosecutor of Ziobro: we are dealing with an ordinary criminal offence under art. 222 of the Penal Code, committed in front of cameras by a man who calls himself the president of the constitutional court. Physical violence, scuffling and the use of guards to block lawful judges are methods from a mafia state, not from a constitutional institution. Wysocka-Schnepf and Markiewicz both point out that Święczkowski has completely lost control of himself, seeing the collapse of his empire of impunity. This man never removed the mental uniform of a political special-operations prosecutor, for whom the law is merely a cudgel to beat opponents. Judge Markiewicz emphasizes that the presence of Święczkowski, Piotrowicz and Pawłowicz in the Constitutional Tribunal building is a disgrace for the Polish judiciary, which is now coming to an end. The violation of Judge Berek’s inviolability crosses all boundaries of legal dispute and obliges the National Prosecutor's Office to initiate an immediate ex officio investigation. No citizen in Poland may with impunity grab a judge in a courthouse corridor, and all the more so a public official who draws tens of thousands of zloty per month from the state coffers. For this act Święczkowski must answer not before a fictitious disciplinary court, but before a criminal court in an expedited procedure. The ALGOOMNI Constitution in Pillars 5, 43 and 44 abolishes all judicial immunities and orders the immediate arrest of perpetrators of official violence with a sentence of unconditional imprisonment increased by 50 percent. Święczkowski’s fists are the ultimate proof of the fall of Ziobro’s people, whose place is on the defendants’ bench, not in judicial robes.

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ARTICLE VIII: THE TAKEOVER OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL TRIBUNAL IS A CROSSING OF THE RUBICON: NO MORE OF THE “LET'S NOT ESCALATE” DOCTRINE — THE RULE OF LAW ON THE OFFENSIVE

(Based on a political-constitutional analysis and commentary after the events at the Constitutional Tribunal)

The physical entry of the legally elected and sworn-in judge Maciej Berek into the Constitutional Tribunal building on aleja Szucha represents a historic crossing of the Rubicon, beyond which there is no return to the ruinous doctrine of “do not escalate.” In recent years the democratic majority too often retreated in the face of the cries of right-wing thugs and the constitutional blackmail of the President's Palace, deluding themselves that the criminals from the PiS camp would appreciate leniency and voluntarily return the usurped institutions. Prime Minister Donald Tusk and the coalition leaders finally understood that citizens’ and the democratic electorate’s dissatisfaction with the slow pace of accountability had reached an alarm state. Breaking the blockade of Karol Nawrocki and Bogdan Święczkowski is a signal that the Polish state is regaining the capacity for firm enforcement of the law. The riots provoked beneath the Constitutional Tribunal building by a handful of PiS fanatics only demonstrated the total marginalization of the Kaczyński camp, which can no longer mobilize tens of thousands of people to the streets. Crossing the Rubicon means that the seating of the Constitutional Tribunal must be immediately followed by further uncompromising strikes: the complete delegalization of the neo-National Council of the Judiciary (KRS), the removal of dupes from the Supreme Court, the recovery of full control over the National Prosecutor's Office and the prosecution of those guilty in the Pegasus and RARS scandals. One cannot stop halfway when the besieged prosecutorial mafia is throwing punches at the lawful judges of the Republic of Poland. Any hesitation by the executive at this moment would be read as weakness and an invitation to further sabotage of the state. Civil society has given the government a clear mandate: the law must operate quickly, effectively and without bowing to the hysteria of Telewizja Republika or threats from Nowogrodzka. Reclaiming control of the Constitutional Tribunal unblocks the legislative process and ends the pathology in which corrupt PiS politicians hid behind pseudo-rulings by Święczkowski and Przyłębska. Gazeta ALGOOMNI has from its first issue demanded exactly such determination. Our Manifesto – 50 Filarów Konstytucji ALGOOMNI (50 Pillars of the ALGOOMNI Constitution) – provides a complete roadmap for Poland after crossing the Rubicon: a state without immunities, without “sacred cows,” with strict court deadlines and full financial liability of officials. The die has been cast – the Republic of Poland returns to the hands of the sovereign people, and the era of impunity for dictators and usurpers has ended forever!

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MANIFEST USTROJOWY: KONSTYTUCJA ALGOOMNI

50 PILLARS OF THE RULE OF LAW, CITIZENAL SOVEREIGNTY AND THE ELIMINATION OF IMPUNITY OF POWER

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1. THE SACREDNESS OF EVERY VOTE AND THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE'S PHYSICAL CONTROL:

Every cast vote is the highest, direct and inviolable act of the sovereign people’s authority in the state. No algorithm, politicized National Electoral Commission nor party apparatus has the right to invalidate, correct or relativize the will of citizens. An absolute requirement of physical verifiability of the paper ballot and around-the-clock monitoring of counting with HD online transmission is introduced. Falsifying a vote is treason punishable by life imprisonment with confiscation of assets.

2. AN ABSOLUTE FULL RECOUNT OF THE 2025 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION VOTES:

A statutory requirement for full inspection and a new, open recount of the 2025 ballots in the presence of cameras and authorized observers. Occupying the Office of the President under the shadow of forgeries destroys the constitutional order. The nation has the right to know the material truth, and the perpetrators of manipulation will face trial.

3. ACCOUNTABILITY FOR THE PI S SYSTEM – ABSOLUTE “OPTION ZERO” WITH NO AMNESTY:

The principle of full criminal, constitutional and civil responsibility for PiS officials for destroying the rule of law and stealing public funds. Pardons and political clean slates are excluded. The RARS, NCBR, Pegasus and Orlen scandals will be investigated to the very bottom with confiscation of assets.

4. TOUGH ACCOUNTABILITY OF POWER FOR OMISSIONS, DELAY TACTICS AND BETRAYAL OF THE MANDATE:

Power elected with a mandate to hold others to account that avoids action in the name of sacred calm or coalition calculations bears constitutional responsibility. Failing to prosecute official crimes is complicity in the crime and will automatically shorten the government’s term.

5. THE COMPLETE AND DEFINITIVE ABOLITION OF IMMUNITIES THROUGHOUT THE STATE:

The definitive elimination of parliamentary, judicial, prosecutorial and official immunities. All citizens without exception are 100% equal before the law and answer to ordinary courts. Immunity has become a criminal shield protecting corruption and elite theft.

6. MANDATORY TWO-TERM LIMIT FOR LIFE FOR ALL PUBLIC OFFICES:

A maximum of two terms in a lifetime for deputies, senators, mayors, municipal leaders, city presidents and heads of state agencies. The liquidation of an ossified caste of career politicians welded to the trough. Public service is a temporary duty, not a business.

7. MANDATORY QUARTERLY TOXICOLOGY TESTS AT THE TOP OF POWER:

Independent, random tests (blood, urine, hair) for drugs, psychotropic medications and alcohol every three months for the President, Prime Minister, ministers, deputies, senators and judges. Refusal or a positive result automatically extinguishes the mandate by law.

8. A CITIZENS’ CONSTITUTION WITH RIGID CALENDAR DEADLINES:

A new Fundamental Law written directly by the sovereign people, free from rubbery phrases such as “without delay.” Every procedure and decision has a fixed deadline in calendar days. Missing a deadline means dismissal of the official and a ruling in favor of the citizen.

9. A STRICT ORDER OF INTAKE IN COURTS AND OFFICES – NO MORE “FREEZERS”:

Cases in courts, prosecutor's offices and offices are to be processed according to a strict timestamp: date, hour, minute and second. A total ban on political steering of dockets and hiding cases in “freezers.” Changing the order is an official crime prosecuted ex officio.

10. FULL AND UNCONDITIONAL DISCLOSURE OF THE LIST OF PERSONS ILLEGALLY SURVEILLED:

Publication of the complete register of people who have been surveilled with cyberweapons (Pegasus, Hermes, Predator). The nation has the right to know the scale of the surveillance, and the victims of wiretaps will receive compensation paid directly from the private assets of the decision-makers and operators of the system.

11. TOTAL CRIMINAL AND ASSET LIABILITY OF ALL OFFICIALS:

Full personal liability (with all present and future assets) of the President, Prime Ministers, ministers, deputies, judges and prosecutors for breaking the law, corruption and unlawful decisions. No more hiding behind the office seal, immunity or judicial robes.

12. RADICAL BAN ON HOLDING MULTIPLE POSITIONS AND BAN ON SITTING ON STATE-OWNED COMPANY BOARDS:

Prohibition on sitting on State Treasury and municipal company boards for deputies, senators, ministers and their families with a five-year cooling-off period after the term. State companies to be managed exclusively by professionals selected in open competitions without party quotas.

13. DEFINITIVE BAN ON CHANGING PARTY COLOURS – STOP POLITICAL TOURISM:

A mandate is attached to the will of voters cast for a committee list. Switching to another group or political corruption immediately terminates the mandate by law. Trading mandates becomes a crime against democracy.

14. MANDATORY PRESENCE AT ALL VOTES AND SESSIONS:

The job of a deputy or senator is a strict duty. Unjustified absence exceeding 10% of votes in a quarter results in loss of mandate, ban on candidacy and loss of severance pay and parliamentary pension. No more truancy at the taxpayer's expense.

15. FULL TRANSPARENCY OF PUBLIC EXPENDITURE – PAYMENTS ONLY BY CARD:

Total ban on cash and lump-sum allowances in parliamentary and local government activities. Every expense paid with a named card and an open online register in real time. Any attempt to fraudulently claim mileage is immediately referred to the prosecutor and results in loss of mandate.

16. END OF THE CASTE OF “SACRED COWS” – EQUAL LAW AND JURY TRIALS:

Abolition of corporate disciplinary courts protecting judges, prosecutors and politicians. Crimes by officials tried openly before a citizens' jury. Justice is dispensed by the nation, not cronies from the corporation.

17. SYSTEMATIC PROTECTION AND STRICT SUPERVISION OF FORMER SPECIAL SERVICES OFFICERS:

Intelligence officers holding state secrets cannot become prey for the mafia and foreign services. A ten-year ban on working for foreign entities and in sensitive sectors (crypto, finance) is introduced, with state analytical remuneration and counterintelligence protection.

18. TOTAL BAN ON LAWS DRAFTED BY LOBBYISTS AND FOREIGN CAPITAL:

An open register of the authors of every legal act by name and a full lobbying trail. Ban on drafting laws by external law firms and lobbyists of foreign capital. Smuggling amendments treated as legislative sabotage and diplomatic treason.

19. SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE – ABOLITION OF THE CHURCH FUND:

Abolition of the Church Fund and taxation of the income of religious denominations on general principles. Ban on transferring state property for a pittance. Financing of religion only through a voluntary tax-deduction from believers in the PIT.

20. CITIZENS' VETO AND MANDATORY REFERENDUM WITHOUT A TURNOUT THRESHOLD:

A petition supported by 500,000 signatures obliges the Sejm to order a nationwide referendum without a turnout threshold. The result is absolutely binding on state authorities with no right to delay its implementation.

21. DIGITAL TRANSPARENCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY – END OF ANONYMITY FOR BOTS AND TROLLS:

Identity verification with real data when publishing content in the public sphere and on social media. Elimination of troll farms and bots. Every participant in public debate bears full civil and criminal liability for lies and hate speech.

22. TOTAL TRANSPARENCY OF THE SERVICES – MANDATORY BODY CAMERAS FOR EVERY UNIT:

Obligation of continuous recording of official activities by customs officers, police officers and service agents using body-worn cameras. Turning off the camera is tampering that results in dismissal from service and invalidation of charges against a citizen.

23. DIRECT ELECTION OF JUDGES, PROSECUTORS AND MINISTERS BY THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE:

Universal popular elections and recall by the nation of district judges and prosecutors, ministers and the Prime Minister of the Republic of Poland. Abolition of political cabinet arrangements in favour of a direct mandate of trust from citizens.

24. COMPLETE AND 100% DECLASSIFICATION OF IPN AND PRL SERVICE ARCHIVES:

Opening and publishing online all archives of the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) and PRL services (SB, WSW). Elimination of restricted collections to dismantle factories of blackmail and agent hooks that have been paralyzing the Polish political scene for decades.

25. PUBLIC REGISTER OF ILLEGAL SERVICE COLLABORATORS AMONG TRUST PROFESSIONS:

Publication of the complete register of judges, prosecutors, doctors, advocates and journalists illegally recruited by the special services (including the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA)). Hidden entanglement constitutes a mortal threat to the rule of law.

26. MODERN DEFENSIVE EDUCATION – AI, CYBERSECURITY AND MARKSMANSHIP:

Removal of religion from public schools in favour of defensive preparedness, marksmanship, medical rescue, cybersecurity, programming and artificial intelligence (AI). Young people must acquire competencies for the defence of the country.

27. CONSTITUTIONAL ANTI-AUTHORITARIAN SAFEGUARDS – BLOCKING DICTATORSHIP:

Implementation of systemic mechanisms preventing an authoritarian takeover of the state or an attack on elections. Violation of constitutional prerogatives by the President or the government triggers an automatic blockage of decisions and a procedure to remove them from power.

28. TOTAL TRANSPARENCY OF ALL REMUNERATIONS THROUGHOUT THE PUBLIC SECTOR:

A public register of salaries, bonuses and awards of all persons paid from public funds and foundations from collections. The online register allows checking any official's income to the nearest grosz.

29. ASSET DECLARATIONS 100% OPEN, DIGITAL AND EXTENDED TO THE FAMILY:

Abolition of secrecy for asset declarations. Mandatory digital declarations including valuation of cryptocurrencies, shares in companies and assets transferred to spouses, children and family foundations under the penalty of confiscation of property.

30. TOTAL ANNULMENT OF THE “FORTNIGHT GOVERNMENT” DECISION FROM 2023:

Recognition as absolutely null and void from the outset (ex tunc) of all financial decisions, resolutions and grants of the government of Mateusz Morawiecki from November 2023. Funds and severance payments are subject to immediate repayment.

31. DEFENSE SOVEREIGNTY – FULL SOURCE CODES AND MANDATORY OFFSET:

Ban on purchasing arms for the Polish Armed Forces without full industrial offset, domestic servicing rights and transfer of source codes for combat systems. Buying “bare” equipment is sabotage of the state’s defense.

32. ZERO SALARIES FOR SUSPENDED OFFICIALS, PROSECUTORS AND JUDGES:

Immediate suspension of salary and allowances for judges, prosecutors and officials suspended from duties or facing criminal charges. An end to paying tens of thousands for inactivity.

33. COMPLETE ELIMINATION OF SEVERANCE PAY AND “GOLDEN PARACHUTES” IN THE PUBLIC SECTOR:

Definitive ban on severance, compensation for non-compete clauses and “golden parachutes” for ministers, heads of state agencies and State Treasury company presidents. An end to treating the state as a trampoline for enrichment.

34. ONE LARGE NATIONAL INVESTIGATION INTO THE 2025 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION:

Mandatory consolidation of proceedings concerning irregularities and suspicions of rigging the 2025 presidential election into one large investigation under the supervision of the Prokurator Generalny with public transmission of witness hearings.

35. LIQUIDATION OF THE CBA AND THE POLITICIZED INSTITUTE OF NATIONAL REMEMBRANCE (IPN):

Liquidation of the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA) and the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) – institutions transformed into hook factories and a political police. Anti-corruption investigations are taken over by the Police (Central Investigation Bureau, CBŚP), and the archives are transferred in full to the State Archives.

36. UNIVERSAL VOTING OBLIGATION AND SECURE HYBRID VOTING:

Universal obligation for adult citizens to participate in elections. Implementation of encrypted internet voting based on blockchain alongside traditional polling stations. Elimination of state funding for parties and abolition of the electoral silence period.

37. RIGID OFFICIAL DEADLINES DECIDING CASES IN FAVOR OF THE CITIZEN:

Deletion of discretionary phrases from all codes. Exceeding a statutory deadline by an office or court automatically results in a decision in favor of the citizen (silent consent), and the official is financially liable.

38. CITIZENAL MONOPOLY ON CREATING A NEW LEGAL SYSTEM:

Ban on participation of MPs and bar associations in drafting the New Constitution. The draft Basic Law is created by a Citizens’ Constitutional Assembly selected by lottery from citizens, approved in a referendum.

39. THE STATUS OF A POLITICIAN AS A HIRED EMPLOYEE OF THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE:

Definition of a deputy and senator as a “hired employee of the Nation”. Mandatory attendance at votes under penalty of disciplinary dismissal. Changing parliamentary grouping automatically terminates the mandate by law. Trading mandates is corruption.

40. INSTITUTIONAL AUTOMATISM OF THE RULE OF LAW – IMMEDIATE PUNISHMENT FOR POWER:

The rigor of automatic suspension of a public official who refuses to execute a final court judgment. After 14 days’ delay the official loses their post by law and may be arrested for contempt of court.

41. DELEGALIZATION OF NEO-JUDGES, BAN ON RULING AND FORFEITURE OF PENSION STATUS:

Judges appointed in breach of the Constitution by the neo-National Council of the Judiciary (neo-KRS) are removed from the profession. Their appointments are deemed void, and their judgments are subject to review. They are stripped of retirement pensions and transferred to ZUS.

42. TOTAL BAN ON INTERMEDIARIES IN PUBLIC AND MILITARY CONTRACTS:

Strict ban on participation of intermediaries, shell companies and commission agents in public and defense procurements. Contracts are concluded only directly with manufacturers under the presumption of corruption otherwise.

43. MANDATORY, ABSOLUTE IMPRISONMENT FOR CRIMINALS IN POWER:

Politicians, judges and prosecutors convicted of corruption, theft of public property or abuse of power are absolutely denied suspended sentences. Penalties are legally increased by 50% with no right to early release.

44. ABSOLUTE EQUALITY OF JURISDICTION – BAN ON CORPORATE CONSENT PROCEDURES:

No state body or parliamentary committee may block holding an official suspected of a crime accountable. Cases proceed automatically in the ordinary mode before common courts.

45. FULL JURISDICTION OVER DIGITAL CORPORATIONS AND ONLINE PLATFORMS:

Social platforms and technology corporations earning money in Poland must have a physical headquarters in the country, a Polish board and be subject to Polish courts under the penalty of immediate network traffic blocking.

46. RIGID CALENDAR RIGOR FOR COURTS AND PROSECUTOR’S OFFICES (7 / 14 / 30 DAYS):

Rigid procedural deadlines: 7 days for incidental rulings, 14 days for an opinion on a judgment and 30 days to complete stages of an investigation. Unjustified delay by a judge means loss of 50% of salary, and repetition – disbarment.

47. TWO-PART, LEGIBLE PERSONAL SIGNATURE ON EVERY ACT OF AUTHORITY:

Every court judgment, administrative decision, law and regulation must include the full forename and surname of the decision-maker printed by computer and a legible handwritten signature under penalty of absolute invalidity.

48. REAL-TIME BANKING SETTLEMENTS – BANKING 24/7/365:

Banks in Poland are obliged to execute and settle transfers in real time 24 hours a day, 7 days a week. Ban on holding citizens’ funds in Elixir sessions and profiting from money turnover on weekends.

49. MANDATORY VAT REFUND WITHIN A MAXIMUM OF 7 CALENDAR DAYS:

The tax office is obliged to refund VAT to companies’ accounts within 7 calendar days of filing the declaration. Companies’ funds are the lifeblood of the national economy and cannot be frozen. Audits are carried out exclusively in parallel.

50. THE FINAL END TO THE LEGAL NEWSPEAK THAT COVERS UP OFFICIAL CRIMES:

Prohibition on using terms that whitewash illegality ("disciplinary offence", "breach of the dignity of the office", "procedural error"). Any such act is prosecuted directly under the Criminal Code with absolute confiscation of property.