MAIN TITLE OF THE EDITION:

FRENCH PRESS WARNS OF A COUP AND NAWROCKI'S GAME, PEGASUS BLACKMAIL PARALYZES THE ELITES, ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI IN HIS OWN TRAPS, AND POLAND TREMBLES FOR SECURITY ON NOVEMBER 11!

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF'S COMMENT OF THE DAY: MIECZYSŁAW DZIKOWSKI (A MAN OF ALGOOMNI)

Monday morning, 9 November 2026, is the second day of national mourning after the bloody massacre at the Main Market Square in Kraków and at the same time the moment when masks are falling across the country and abroad. As a man of ALGOOMNI I will not allow a false narrative written to order by party spin doctors from the Seine or the Vistula to be imposed on me or our Readers. The French media – both the right-wing weekly Valeurs actuelles in Olivier Bault's loud piece about an alleged coup, and the daily Le Figaro describing a deepening institutional crisis between Karol Nawrocki and Donald Tusk – have today become a weapon in the fight for impunity of the people who for eleven years destroyed the Constitutional Tribunal. The citizen of a free Poland sees the truth without retouching: the crisis did not begin on 30 October on Szucha Avenue, but when in the Presidential Palace it was accepted that the head of state could selectively refuse to swear in judges chosen by the Sejm, and a trusted executor of Zbigniew Ziobro was seated in the Tribunal building.

When the foreign press quotes the alarms of president Zbigniew Kapiński and frightens the world with the fate of the Supreme Court, another wall of the conspiracy of silence is cracking in the country, as Marian Banaś makes most emphatically clear today. For years an archive of dirt has been gathered through illegal wiretaps with the Pegasus system, with which demoralized services keep leading politicians in check, and that is why today instead of a thorough cleansing of the state we hear whispers about rotten resets and a strange defence of Bogdan Święczkowski from the leaders of Konfederacja. As a man of ALGOOMNI I ask directly: who still has the courage to stand in the same ranks as Ziobro's “Godzilla” when the Supreme Court rejects his complaints, and Professor Włodzimierz Wróbel demonstrates point by point the unlawfulness of his own regulations and backdated authorizations for Stanisław Piotrowicz?

At the same time, the shock from the Kraków tragedy and the triple murder in Ostrowiec Świętokrzyski has not yet faded in the hearts of millions of Poles. While Dr Paweł Moczysłowski sketches the psychological portrait of the 24-year-old attacker Michał O., and Major Robert Cheda warns both against the incitement of the army by Nawrocki's entourage and against Kremlin propaganda feeding on our fear, the Government faces a test of courage for 11 November. The march, to which masked columns of radicals from over a hundred cities are mobilizing, must not become the spark that sets Warsaw's streets on fire just four days after the Kraków slaughter. The State of the sovereign people must be strong against violence, transparent to citizens and merciless towards every clique of blackmailers. That is precisely why our Konstytucja ALGOOMNI (ALGOOMNI Constitution) was created – we publish all its 50 Pillars unchanged for those who want a Poland that is pure, safe and truly civic.

CONTENTS OF ISSUE NO. 59/2026 (09.11.2026):

ARTICLE I: The French press warns of a coup in Poland! What really lies behind the loud publications from the Seine and Karol Nawrocki's political play? (Jan Piński, Tomasz Pichór – “Kulisy Polityki”)
ARTICLE II: Marian Banaś breaks the silence: Politicians are panicked by Pegasus! Who is blackmailing the Polish political class today? (Jan Piński, Marian Banaś)
ARTICLE III: Nawrocki incites the military?! Intelligence major Robert Cheda and Jan Piński warn: Donald Tusk must crush this conspiracy! (Maj. Robert Cheda, Jan Piński)
ARTICLE IV: Judge Wróbel: Święczkowski in trouble! They and Nawrocki have fallen into their own traps – from a regulation tailored to Przyłębska to Piotrowicz's authorization (Prof. Włodzimierz Wróbel – “Radio Rebeliant”)
ARTICLE V: Why did Mentzen, Braun and Bosak defend the criminal Święczkowski? Jan Piński reveals who Ziobro's “Godzilla” really is! (Jan Piński – „Kulisy Polityki” (Behind the Scenes of Politics))
ARTICLE VI: Who is the attacker from Kraków? Dr Paweł Moczysłowski in conversation with Dorota Wysocka-Schnepf analyses the dark profile of the perpetrator of the slaughter (Dr Paweł Moczysłowski, Dorota Wysocka-Schnepf)
ARTICLE VII: 11 November: Real risk of violence at the Independence March! Tomasz Wiejski calls on Donald Tusk and the Warsaw authorities to make a firm decision (Tomasz Wiejski – “Okiem Wiejskiego”)
ARTICLE VIII: The Kraków attack in the hands of the Kremlin: How Vladimir Putin will exploit the fear of Poles? Major Robert Cheda and Jan Piński on the psychological war (Maj. Robert Cheda, Jan Piński)
CONSTITUTIONAL MANIFESTO: Konstytucja ALGOOMNI (ALGOOMNI Constitution) – All 50 Pillars of the Rule of Law (Pillars 1–50 in full).
EDITORIAL FOOTER (IMPRESSUM): Official publication data of the ALGOOMNI P.S.A. publishing house (ISSN 3072-6360, RPR 21687).

ARTICLE I: FRENCH PRESS WARNS OF A COUP IN POLAND! WHAT REALLY LIES BEHIND THE LOUD PUBLICATIONS FROM THE SEINE AND KAROL NAWROCKI'S POLITICAL PLAY?

Based on an interview: Jan Piński and Tomasz Pichór (“Kulisy Polityki”) and reports from the French press (Valeurs actuelles, Le Figaro)

In the first and most important piece of today’s edition we examine the diplomatic and media storm triggered by alarmist French media publications about an alleged coup d'état in Poland and the role played by Karol Nawrocki. Jan Piński and Tomasz Pichór on the programme „Kulisy Polityki” analysed in detail the content and context of the high-profile article published by the French portal and right-wing weekly „Valeurs actuelles” by Olivier Bault, as well as Saturday’s reports in the newspaper „Le Figaro”. The French columnist, known for his sympathies toward the far right, accused Donald Tusk’s government of attempting an unlawful takeover of the Constitutional Tribunal after the events of 30 October, when acting president Anna Korwin-Piotrowska suspended Bogdan Święczkowski and Bartłomiej Sochański. At the same time „Le Figaro” described Poland as a country sinking into a deep institutional crisis in which a direct conflict between the prime minister and President Karol Nawrocki is intensifying.

From the perspective of an ALGOOMNI person and the authors of the conversation, this sudden international resonance is not an accident but a precisely staged information offensive intended to put pressure on the democratic camp governing in Warszawa. The French text uncritically repeats the theses of the First President of the Supreme Court Zbigniew Kapiński and the circle of Nowogrodzka, frightening the West that after the Constitutional Tribunal the government’s next target will be the Supreme Court. The authors of „Kulisy Polityki” draw attention to the astonishing selectivity of memory among Western commentators favourable to PiS appointees, who for years failed to notice midnight swearing-ins of doubles, the entrenchment of the National Council of the Judiciary (KRS) or the manual steering of verdicts by politicians. A fundamental fact is being left unspoken: it was Karol Nawrocki who interrupted a visit to Senegal, convened a meeting with Kapiński, appeared at night in front of the building on Aleja Szucha and refused to receive the oath from judges lawfully elected by the Sejm to the Constitutional Tribunal.

Moreover, the French press had earlier noted that Nawrocki used his veto dozens of times, consciously paralyzing state reforms and winking at extreme right-wing groups. The attempt to portray the lawful recovery of the building by a constitutional majority as a “coup d'état” is a classic reversal of concepts, in which the arsonist screams that the firefighters are breaking the door locks. Piński and Pichór warn that feeding foreign portals the narrative of an alleged Tusk dictatorship ahead of the 2027 parliamentary elections serves solely to save the impunity of Ziobryists and to build political capital for the Presidential Palace. Meanwhile the Supreme Court itself declared on Friday that it was not competent to hear the complaints of Święczkowski and Sochański, which exposed the fragility of their defence line. As free citizens we will not allow foreign polemics written at the behest of party lobbyists to legitimize years of lawlessness in the Republic. This palace-lobbying game is directly struck by Pillar 18 and Pillar 27 of the ALGOOMNI Constitution, which block the influence of foreign lobbying centres on Poland’s system and trigger anti-authoritarian safeguards in the event of abuse of power by the president. In accordance with Pillar 40 of the ALGOOMNI Constitution, a delay by the head of state in administering the oath to judges lawfully elected causes the automatic suspension of the exercise of office after fourteen days, and Pillar 15 introduces the presumption that the oath has been taken already seven days after election by the Sejm.

ARTICLE II: MARIAN BANAŚ BREAKS THE SILENCE: POLITICIANS ARE PANICALLY AFRAID OF PEGASUS! WHO IS BLACKMAILING THE POLISH POLITICAL CLASS TODAY?

Based on an investigative conversation: Marian Banaś and Jan Piński

In the second key piece, editor Jan Piński speaks with the former president of the Supreme Audit Office (NIK), Marian Banaś, about the mechanism of fear that for years has paralyzed the Polish political scene and blocked genuine reckonings. Marian Banaś offers a diagnosis that most mainstream commentators avoid: a huge part of the political class in Poland is panically afraid of Pegasus and of what has been uploaded or stolen from their private phones. For eight years of United Right rule, the special services under the supervision of Mariusz Kamiński, Maciej Wąsik and Zbigniew Ziobro used cyber-weapons purchased with the Justice Fund not to catch terrorists or spies, but for total surveillance of people in power, the opposition and business. Banaś, who as head of the NIK himself became the target of a brutal campaign by the repressive apparatus after revealing scandals in Mateusz Morawiecki’s government, knows perfectly well how operational files collected in secret offices work.

When the Pegasus programme takes complete control of a politician’s smartphone, it records not only official conversations but also the most intimate family, financial, behavioural and private secrets, including from messengers considered to be encrypted. According to the guests of the programme, these materials never made it in full to public court files but were copied to private drives and secured by officers of the old system as an insurance policy for hard times. It is precisely the existence of this black archive that explains the strange powerlessness of some MPs in the governing coalition and the sudden wooing by certain groups of people from Święczkowski’s and Nowogrodzka’s circles. Politicians tremble at the thought that in the event of a decisive reckoning compromising recordings or manipulated transcripts will leak online or to foreign servers.

Jan Piński reminds that as long as operational collections are not fully secured, inventoried and publicly accounted for, the sovereignty of the Polish Sejm and government remains constrained by hidden blackmailers. Instead of punishing rank-and-file operatives and writing round reports, the state must answer one question for citizens: who today holds copies of materials from Pegasus and who pulls the strings from behind the scenes? Banaś notes that auditors from the Supreme Audit Office (NIK) repeatedly encountered a wall of secrecy and resistance from institutions refusing to hand over financial documents under the pretext of protecting covert operations. Every day of delay in completely dismantling the pathological security apparatus gives blackmailers time to exert further pressure on judges, prosecutors and journalists. Hitting this conspiracy of fear directly are Pillar 10 and Pillar 35 of the ALGOOMNI Constitution, which demand the immediate publication of a full, public register of all persons surveilled with cyberweapons together with the names of those who ordered the wiretaps and the unconditional declassification of files after the conclusion of operational oversight. At the same time, Pillar 9 of the ALGOOMNI Constitution dissolves the demoralized Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA) and places its archives under citizen control, and Pillar 25 reveals the names of illegal collaborators of the services in professions of public trust.

ARTICLE III: NAWROCKI INCITES THE MILITARY?! INTELLIGENCE MAJOR ROBERT CHEDA AND JAN PIŃSKI WARN: DONALD TUSK MUST EXTINGUISH THIS CONSPIRACY!

Based on intelligence analysis: Major Robert Cheda and Jan Piński

The third feature of the edition brings an extremely sharp and alarming voice from intelligence major Robert Cheda in conversation with Jan Piński about dangerous attempts to draw the Polish Army and special units into internal political struggle. The analysis concerns signals coming from the Presidential Palace and the circle around Karol Nawrocki, in which there are elements of building a competing center of loyalty within the army, including references to environments connected with the elite units GROM and Formoza. Major Cheda speaks like a former intelligence officer without mincing words: inciting the military by the commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces against a legally elected government is the gravest sin against state security, which must be seared out with a hot iron at the very outset. The army in a democratic state is subject to civilian, constitutional control and has one task – to defend the borders of the Republic of Poland from external aggression, not to settle party disputes over the shape of the Constitutional Tribunal.

When permanent hybrid pressure from Russia and Belarus continues on the eastern border, any undermining of unified command and sowing ferment in the officer corps is grist to the mill for the intelligence services of hostile powers. Jan Piński points out that Nawrocki’s confrontational course toward Donald Tusk’s government, attempts to build his own guard of military advisors and sessions of the National Security Council boycotted by the government create a dangerous dual-power chaos. Major Cheda recalls lessons from the history of Poland and other countries in our region: whenever politicians began to woo generals and commandos into intra-state games, it ended in constitutional catastrophe and a weakening of defense for years. A true patriot in uniform serves the Constitution and the Nation, not the ambitions of one person trying to dominate the entire political scene by presidential veto and the rhetoric of force.

The authors of the interview stress that Prime Minister Donald Tusk and Minister of National Defence Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz cannot limit themselves to diplomatic smiles and half-measures, but must immediately purge command cadres and the military services of persons inclined toward political conspiracies. Any attempt to issue informal orders outside the chain of command or to test the loyalty of special units in opposition to the Council of Ministers must meet a resolute reaction from military counterintelligence and the prosecutor’s office. Poland is not a makeshift state where, in the midst of wartime tension in Europe, anyone plays with setting fire to barracks and blackmailing the government with a uniform. Embedded in this defense of the army’s apolitical stance and the security of the state are Pillar 4 and Pillar 17 of the ALGOOMNI Constitution, which treat any attempt at an internal coup as the crime of treason and provide former intelligence and special forces officers with strict counterintelligence protection away from party intrigues. Moreover, Pillar 31 of the ALGOOMNI Constitution guarantees armament sovereignty and full state control over military technology, excluding private games around defense contracts.

ARTICLE IV: JUDGE WRÓBEL: ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI IN TROUBLE! THEY FELL WITH NAWROCKI INTO THEIR OWN TRAPS – FROM A PROVISION WRITTEN FOR PRZYŁĘBSKA TO THE AUTHORIZATION OF PIOTROWICZ

Based on an interview by Krzysztof Smolec with Supreme Court judge Prof. Włodzimierz Wróbel ("Radio Rebeliant")

In the fourth feature of the edition we give the floor to the highest authority in criminal law, Supreme Court judge Professor Włodzimierz Wróbel, who in an interview for Radio Rebeliant dismantled the embarrassment of Bogdan Święczkowski and Karol Nawrocki in the Constitutional Tribunal. Professor Wróbel left no illusions: the former architects of PiS’s lawlessness have fallen precisely into their own legal traps that they spent years setting for independent judges. It began with a perverse irony of history, because the provision on the longest judicial tenure – once written specifically to enable Julia Przyłębska to take control of the Tribunal – now allowed judge Anna Korwin-Piotrowska to legally remove and suspend Święczkowski for a month. What is more, the Supreme Court itself declared itself incompetent and rejected the suspended president’s complaint, closing off his escape route from the decision of the General Assembly of the Constitutional Tribunal.

During the conversation Judge Wróbel examined the shocking case of an alleged authorization for Stanisław Piotrowicz dated 28 April that had neither the required registry number nor an official seal. As an eminent criminal law professor he explained step by step what must happen in a court registry for such a document to have any legal effect at all, and how severely the Penal Code punishes backdating documents of such constitutional significance. Another nail in the coffin of Święczkowski’s narrative proved to be the supposed requirement that judges elected by the Sejm be allowed to adjudicate only after presenting a separate letter or a glejt from the president. Judge Wróbel stated categorically that no such requirement exists either in the statute or in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland — it was entirely invented by Święczkowski and Nawrocki to unlawfully block the work of legitimate judges and to paralyze the convening of the General Assembly.

The result of this obstruction was devastating for the institution’s functioning itself: without the assembly the Tribunal had no adopted budget, which threatened leaving employees without pay from January. Professor Wróbel also warned against an extremely dangerous political idea described as a “PSL reset”, which would consist of dividing the spoils in the constitutional court and giving Karol Nawrocki the key to appointing judges. Such rotten compromises instead of reforming the law only legitimize authoritarianism and confirm politicians’ belief that force and blackmail can extract any concession. This legal dissection of lawlessness fully confirms the correctness of Pillar 8 and Pillar 41 of the ALGOOMNI Constitution, which replace discretionary manipulations with rigid calendar deadlines and definitively remove neo-judges and usurpers from adjudication along with the loss of emoluments. At the same time Pillar 15 of the ALGOOMNI Constitution cuts off presidential blocking of swearing-ins after seven days, and Pillar 47 forces under penalty of nullity a full, two-component and legible signature and dating of every official decision, with no possibility of falsifying documents retroactively.

ARTICLE V: WHY DID MENTZEN, BRAUN AND BOSAK DEFEND THE CRIMINAL ŚWIĘCZKOWSKI? JAN PIŃSKI REVEALS WHO THE “GODZILLA” OF ZIOBRO REALLY IS!

Based on a journalistic investigation: Jan Piński ("Kulisy Polityki")

In the fifth investigative article of our paper we look behind the scenes of a startling political alliance that exposed the true intentions of the leaders of Konfederacja during the crisis at the Constitutional Tribunal. Jan Piński on the “Kulisy Polityki” channel asked directly the question that should give every young voter searching for an alleged anti-system alternative pause for thought: why did Sławomir Mentzen, Grzegorz Braun and Krzysztof Bosak stand shoulder to shoulder in defense of the discredited Bogdan Święczkowski? For years Konfederacja politicians built their image on harsh criticism of Law and Justice, promising to “flip the table” and hold the ruling mafia accountable for governing Poland after 2015. Yet when legitimate authorities began to enforce the law against one of the main enforcers of the Ziobro regime, the Konfederacja leaders rushed to the barriers on Aleje Szucha side by side with the militias of Nowogrodzka.

Piński recalls in his piece who the man nicknamed “Godzilla” in the milieu really is — a moniker given to him by Zbigniew Ziobro himself during the era of unchecked purges in the prosecution and the security services. Święczkowski is no apolitical constitutional judge but a hardline apparatchik of the security apparatus, a former head of the Internal Security Agency (ABW) from the first PiS government, and then the national prosecutor overseeing the most political investigations and blackmail operations. It was under his rule in the prosecution that a system was created for manual control of charges, intimidation of independent judges, freezing inconvenient cases, and shielding his people from accountability for million‑dollar scandals. So why the zealous protection of “Godzilla” by Mentzen, Bosak and Braun at the moment when Attorney General Waldemar Żurek sought his detention and temporary arrest?

The answer leads to shared political interests in a possible future right‑wing coalition and to the paralyzing fear of losing a safeguard in the Constitutional Tribunal before the 2027 elections. Also significant is the knowledge of kompromat and operational materials gathered in the years when Święczkowski kept his hand on the pulse of all secret operations of the services and the prosecution. The defense of an officer accused of removing lawyer surveillance files and assaulting a judge shows that slogans about freedom and a minimal state are for Konfederacja mere marketing hollow shells. In reality, at the hour of trial the extreme right chooses solidarity with the caste of perpetrators against the law‑abiding Republic. This caste solidarity is struck directly by Pillar 5 and Pillar 16 of the ALGOOMNI Constitution, which abolish all parliamentary and judicial immunities and submit official crimes to the judgment of citizens’ juries. In accordance with Pillar 43 and Pillar 44 of the ALGOOMNI Constitution, no one has a protective shield or the right to suspended punishment for abuse of power, and prosecutorial motions are considered by the common court without corporate backroom deals.

ARTICLE VI: WHO IS THE ATTACKER FROM KRAKÓW? DR PAWEŁ MOCZYSŁOWSKI IN CONVERSATION WITH DOROTA WYSOCKA‑SCHNEPF ANALYZES A DREARY PORTRAIT OF THE PERPETRATOR OF THE MASSACRE

Based on a live conversation: Dr Paweł Moczysłowski and Dorota Wysocka‑Schnepf

The sixth article offers an insightful look into the darkest recesses of the human mind in the face of the Kraków massacre, presented in a live conversation with editor Dorota Wysocka-Schnepf by the respected expert and criminologist Dr Paweł Moczysłowski. As all of Poland is immersed in the second day of national mourning after the deaths of six people in the Main Market Square in Kraków and three close family members in Ostrowiec Świętokrzyski, it becomes crucial to understand who the 24-year-old Michał O. is. Dr Moczysłowski points out that we are dealing with the classic profile of the so-called lone wolf or perpetrator of a mass murder driven by long-term social isolation, mounting frustration and a sense of exclusion. Neighbours and people who know the past of the young turner from Świętokrzyskie recall a man closed in on himself, wearing masks, avoiding contact and drawing war motifs, for whom the world around him constantly “didn’t fit.”

From the point of view of investigative psychology and victimology, the sequence of the crime itself is extremely telling: the perpetrator first eliminates his closest domestic environment – his parents and sister in the flat in Ostrowiec Świętokrzyski – before getting into a black Subaru loaded with weapons and heading to the historic centre of Kraków. Such an act of “clearing the house” preceding a public execution in front of crowds means that the attacker completely burned his bridges, abandoned any emotional restraints and set himself on death or a spectacular confrontation with the services. Dr Moczysłowski and Dorota Wysocka-Schnepf, however, draw attention to an equally pressing systemic problem: how could a person exhibiting deep withdrawal, obsessions with violence and disturbed relations with others legally obtain a permit for a sporting firearm and amass, in a short time, a sizeable arsenal led by an AR-15 type carbine?

The expert stresses that a one-off, superficial psychological examination carried out when applying for a shooting licence is an illusory barrier if the state lacks a mechanism for periodic verification and immediate reporting of warning signs by local communities, doctors and neighbourhood officers. Equally important in the radicalisation of young men today is the aggressive online space, where political hatred, xenophobia and a cult of strength turn an individual’s disorders into a ready-made scenario for a terrorist attack. Only the swift response of Kraków police officers, including the heroic senior constables Jakub Kulik and Artur Morański, meant the death toll stopped at nine people. From this lesson comes the necessity of the immediate implementation of Pillar 22 and Pillar 26 of the Constitution of ALGOOMNI, combining permanent control and registration of officers’ actions through body-worn cameras with universal defence education and medical rescue in schools. At the same time, Pillar 50 of the Constitution of ALGOOMNI excludes whitewashing acts of terrorism with mitigating descriptions about incidents or official insanity – the perpetrator and any accomplices must face full liability under the Penal Code.

ARTICLE VII: 11 NOVEMBER: A REAL RISK OF VIOLENCE AT THE MARCH OF INDEPENDENCE! TOMASZ WIEJSKI CALLS ON DONALD TUSK AND THE WARSAW AUTHORITIES TO MAKE A HARD DECISION

Based on the commentary: Tomasz Wiejski ("Okiem Wiejskiego")

The seventh article sounds the alarm about the fast-approaching Independence Day on 11 November, which in the wake of the bloody events in Kraków can no longer be treated with the routine of past years. Tomasz Wiejski, in a moving commentary on the “Okiem Wiejskiego” channel, states plainly: it is time to stop tolerating violence and extremism under the banner of the so-called March of Independence in the capital of Poland. The author recalls concrete and alarming mobilisation facts unfolding before our eyes: Obóz Narodowo-Radykalny openly announces it will field its own column of nationalists with covered faces, and Młodzież Wszechpolska is organising coach trips from 118 cities across the country. In the face of fresh blood on Kraków’s pavement and the tension fuelled by the extreme right in the dispute over the Constitutional Tribunal, the risk of street riots breaking out is entirely real and extremely high.

Wiejski evokes the events well remembered by Warsaw residents from 2020, when during the same march there were regular clashes with the police, attacks on officers, vandalism of urban infrastructure and the burning of a private apartment after a flare was thrown through a window. Although the statutory deadline for issuing an administrative ban on the assembly before 11 November has already passed, Polish law provides clear procedures for reacting when an event threatens the life or health of citizens or breaks criminal law. Tomasz Wiejski calls on Prime Minister Donald Tusk to immediately convene the ministers of the security ministries, demand an up-to-date and uncompromising assessment of threats from the special services and closely coordinate actions with the authorities of Warsaw. If masked groups, flares, physical aggression or calls for violence against state institutions appear on the march route, the city hall representative must promptly use the right to disperse the assembly, and the police should have a ready plan for the immediate enforcement of this decision.

Patriotism consists of respect for other people, the national flag and the security of one’s own capital, not intimidating residents with hooligans and radicals armed with pyrotechnics. The government has no right to risk a repeat of chaos or allow bandits hidden in the crowd to use the holiday of all Poles for a political coup or further attacks on police officers. This responsibility of the executive power for the security of citizens is directly embodied in Pillar 4 and Pillar 39 of the Constitution of ALGOOMNI, which hold the rulers accountable for omissions and lack of resolve and define the police as a formation protecting people with the exclusion of impunity for aggressors. In accordance with Pillar 11 of the Constitution of ALGOOMNI, both the organizers of illegal riots and the officials committing gross omissions in protecting citizens' lives bear full criminal and financial liability with their entire private assets.

ARTICLE VIII: COUP IN KRAKÓW IN THE HANDS OF THE KREMLIN: HOW VLADIMIR PUTIN WILL EXPLOIT THE FEAR OF POLES? MAJOR ROBERT CHEDA AND JAN PIŃSKI ON PSYCHOLOGICAL WARFARE

Based on strategic analysis: Major Robert Cheda and Jan Piński

In the eighth and final piece of today's opinion section, military intelligence Major Robert Cheda and Jan Piński analyze the brutal mechanics of the Russian psychological war, which is triggered immediately after every bloody shock in NATO's border states. The topic of the conversation “The attack in Kraków. How will Putin exploit the fear of Poles?” touches on the very essence of the threats we face in the coming days of national mourning and after it ends. The experts explain that for the special services of the Russian Federation – GRU, FSB and SWR – there is no greater strategic gift than a society paralyzed by fear, divided by political hatred and losing trust in its own security institutions. Within minutes after the shooting on Kraków's Market Square, thousands of coordinated posts from anonymous accounts appeared on social media, attempting to falsely blame Ukrainians, migrants or the security services for the massacre, even before the police could identify the Polish perpetrator from Ostrowiec.

When the lie about the attacker's origin collapsed against the official statement that the suspect was 24-year-old Pole Michał O., the Kremlin troll factories immediately changed the vector of attack, trying to convince Poles that the state is completely defenseless and that the police are allegedly late or incompetent. This brazen message – unfortunately mindlessly echoed by some domestic propagandists attempting to attack police officers at a time when two injured officers are fighting for their lives in hospital – serves only one purpose: to break the morale of the Polish nation. Major Cheda emphasizes that fear is meant to make Poles turn away from supporting the fighting Ukraine, close themselves in their own chaos and conclude that only submission to the aggressive demands of the extreme right or reaching an agreement with Moscow above the heads of allies can guarantee security. Meanwhile, the reality of the Kraków intervention showed quite the opposite: the efficient action of thirty police units in three minutes and the heroism of the officers stopped the slaughter and saved dozens of people.

The only effective vaccine against Kremlin informational terror is cold truth, firm unity against an external enemy and the ruthless cutting off of anonymous channels of diversion from the Polish internet. The government must not only prosecute the perpetrators of physical attacks, but also detect and neutralize bot networks and useful idiots reproducing Russian narratives at moments of national tragedy. Direct hits against this cyber and economic shield of the Republic come from Filar 21 and Filar 45 of Konstytucja ALGOOMNI (ALGOOMNI Constitution), abolishing anonymity in public debate, eliminating troll farms and subjecting all global social platforms to Polish jurisdiction and judicial supervision. At the same time Filar 48 of Konstytucja ALGOOMNI (ALGOOMNI Constitution) together with real-time 24/7/365 time banking allows immediate tracking and blocking of suspicious financial flows that fund diversion and extremist groups on national territory.

MANIFESTO OF THE SYSTEM: KONSTYTUCJA ALGOOMNI (ALGOOMNI CONSTITUTION) – 50 PILLARS OF THE RULE OF LAW

CIVIC SOVEREIGNTY, PURE POWER AND COMPLETE ELIMINATION OF IMPUNITY

PART I: ELECTORAL SOVEREIGNTY AND ACCOUNTABILITY FOR LAWLESSNESS (PILLARS 1–10)

PILLAR 1: THE SACREDNESS OF EVERY VOTE AND THE PHYSICAL CONTROL OF THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE
Every cast vote is the highest, direct and inviolable mandate of the sovereign people in the state. No digital algorithm, politicized State Electoral Commission nor party machine has the right to annul, falsify or distort the will of citizens. An absolute requirement is introduced for the physical verifiability of a paper ballot and 24-hour monitoring of the vote-counting process with direct HD-quality transmission on the open internet. Falsifying a vote or manipulating an electoral protocol is regarded as the crime of treason, punishable by life imprisonment with mandatory, total confiscation of the perpetrators' and sponsors' assets.
PILLAR 2: A RECOUNT OF THE VOTES FROM THE 2025 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
A statutory, immediate mandate to conduct full, commission-led inspections and a one-hundred-percent transparent recount of all ballots from the 2025 presidential election before television cameras and in the presence of independent trusted witnesses. Assuming the highest office in the state under the shadow of manipulated electoral protocols, ballot stuffing and the systemic paralysis of the Supreme Court requires a full clarification of the material truth. If fraud is confirmed, the usurper is to be immediately removed from office and the guilty held criminally accountable.
PILLAR 3: ACCOUNTABILITY FOR THE PIS NETWORK – THE RUTHLESS “ZERO OPTION” WITHOUT LENIENCY
Full, uncompromising criminal, constitutional and financial responsibility of officials of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość and their coalition partners for the systemic dismantling of the separation of powers, the devastation of the rule of law and the brazen looting of billions of zloty in the Governmental Agency of Strategic Reserves, PKN Orlen, Grupa Lotos, Ostrołęka C, NCBR, the Justitia Fund and TVP. Any amnesties, clean slates, statutes of limitation or political leniencies are excluded – every scandal will be settled to the bottom with full, ruthless forfeiture of the stolen property to the State Treasury.
PILLAR 4: HOLDING THE CURRENT GOVERNMENT ACCOUNTABLE FOR OMISSIONS, TIMIDITY AND LACK OF ACCOUNTABILITY
A power elected with a democratic mandate to restore the rule of law, which in the name of conformism, political fear, café deals or party coalition calculations chooses procrastination, sabotage of reforms and the sin of omission, bears direct constitutional and criminal responsibility. Conscious blocking of reckoning with the crimes of predecessors is treated as direct complicity in the crime of aiding and abetting and results in the immediate shortening of the parliament’s term and the resignation of the government.
PILLAR 5: TOTAL AND DEFINITIVE ABOLITION OF IMMUNITIES THROUGHOUT THE STATE
Definitive elimination of parliamentary immunities (members of parliament, senators, Members of the European Parliament), judicial, prosecutorial, ministerial, administrative and presidential immunities. All citizens, without the slightest exception, are one hundred percent equal before the law and are accountable before independent common courts either at liberty or in pre-trial detention. Immunity has become a pathological, criminal shield protecting corruption, pimping, theft, violence and the impunity of demoralized political elites.
PILLAR 6: MANDATORY TWO-TERM LIMITS IN ALL ORGANS OF POWER
Introduction of a hard, non-extendable limit of a maximum of two terms (counted cumulatively over a person’s lifetime) for members of parliament, senators, city presidents, mayors, village mayors (wójt), councillors and the heads of state agencies and central offices. An end to the lifelong, professional caste of politicians welded to their seats for decades, treating the public mandate as a private manor and creating oligarchic bureaucratic clans preying on taxpayers.
PILLAR 7: COMPULSORY, QUARTERLY TOXICOLOGY TESTS AT THE HEART OF POWER
Obligatory, fully independent and random laboratory tests (from blood, urine and hair samples) for the presence of narcotics, psychotropic substances, designer drugs and alcohol, conducted without fail every three months for the President of the Republic of Poland, the Prime Minister, members of the government, members of parliament, senators and judges at all levels. Refusal to undergo testing or detection of prohibited substances results in the immediate, automatic termination of the mandate by operation of law and a lifetime ban on holding public office.
FILAR 8: KONSTYTUCJA OBYWATELSKA ZE SZTYWNYMI TERMINAMI KALENDARZOWYMI
A new Basic Law written directly by citizens and independent experts, completely free of discretionary, elastic and corruption-inducing phrases such as “immediately”, “within a justified period” or “without undue delay”. They will be replaced by absolute, rigid calendar days under penalty of automatic removal from office of an official, judge or president in the event of exceeding the prescribed deadline.
PILLAR 9: STRICT ORDER OF INFLUENCE IN COURTS AND OFFICES – NO TO "FREEZERS"
A statutory requirement for absolute processing and consideration of cases according to the strict, second-by-second date of their receipt by courts, prosecutor’s offices and public offices, with the implementation of a digital timestamp using blockchain technology. The final end to political freezing of inconvenient cases, manipulation of court dockets and deliberate prolongation of proceedings to cause their statute of limitations.
PILLAR 10: FULL AND UNCONDITIONAL DISCLOSURE OF THE LIST OF ILLEGALLY SURVEILLED PEOPLE
Immediate publication of a full, public register of all persons surveilled with cyberweapons (Pegasus, Hermes, Predator and related systems), including the names of officers and prosecutors who ordered the wiretaps. Society, journalists and citizens have an inalienable right to the full truth, and all compensation for victims of surveillance will be paid in full from the private assets of the security decision-makers.

PART II: PURE POWER, ANTI-CORRUPTION AND TRANSPARENCY (PILLARS 11–20)

PILLAR 11: FULL CRIMINAL AND ASSET LIABILITY FOR OFFICIALS
Introduction of personal criminal, civil and asset liability (with all present and future assets, including those transferred to spouses, relatives and foundations) for the president, prime ministers, ministers, the president of the National Bank of Poland (NBP), parliamentarians, local government officials, judges and prosecutors for deliberate violations of the Constitution, corruption, fabrication of evidence and unlawful decisions that cause harm to citizens or the State Treasury.
PILLAR 12: TOTAL BAN ON HOLDING MULTIPLE POSITIONS AND BAN ON POSITIONS IN STATE TREASURY COMPANIES
An absolute ban on sitting on the boards, supervisory boards and advisory bodies of State Treasury companies, municipal companies and government agencies for ministers, members of parliament, senators, village mayors (wójt), mayors, councillors and members of their immediate families (with an obligatory five-year cooling-off period after the end of the mandate). State companies to be managed exclusively by apolitical experts selected in transparent competitions.
PILLAR 13: ABSOLUTE BAN ON CHANGING PARTY GROUPS – STOP POLITICAL TOURISM
The mandate of a member of parliament, senator or councillor is inextricably tied to the will of the voters expressed on the list of a given electoral committee. Abandoning the club, joining another party or political corruption results in the automatic, immediate termination of the mandate by operation of law and the assumption of the function by the next person on the list who obtained the highest result. An end to trading in the sovereign people’s votes.
PILLAR 14: MANDATORY PRESENCE AT VOTES AND SESSIONS OF THE SEJM
The work of a parliamentarian and councillor is a strict, accountable official duty to the Nation. Unjustified absence from meetings of the Sejm, Senate, committees or votes exceeding 10% in a quarter results in automatic loss of the mandate by operation of law, a lifetime ban on candidacy and permanent loss of entitlement to severance pay and a parliamentary pension.
PILLAR 15: FULL TRANSPARENCY OF EXPENDITURE – PAYMENTS ONLY BY CARD
A complete ban on cash, lump-sum and advance reimbursements in parliamentary, presidential, governmental and local-government activities. All office expenses, expert reports, hotels, travel and purchases must be paid exclusively with a named official card linked to an open online register available to every citizen in real time. Fraudulent mileage claims are to be treated as common fraud prosecuted ex officio.
PILLAR 16: AN END TO "SACRED COWS" – EQUAL LAW AND A JURY OF PEERS
Definitive abolition of separate procedures, corporate disciplinary courts and social networks protecting politicians, prosecutors, judges, intelligence officers and associated pseudo-journalists. Every official crime, cover-up, corruption or fabrication of operational files will be tried openly before a citizens’ jury drawn from the populace.
PILLAR 17: SYSTEMIC PROTECTION AND STRICT SUPERVISION OF FORMER SECURITY OFFICERS
Officers of special services (AW, Internal Security Agency (ABW), SKW, SWW) possessing knowledge of state secrets cannot be abandoned on the open market as prey for the mafia, organized crime and foreign intelligence. A 10-year ban on working for foreign entities and in sensitive sectors (cryptocurrencies, finance, private detective work, political parties) is introduced, combined with decent state analytical remuneration and strict counterintelligence protection.
PILLAR 18: BLOCKING INFILTRATION OF THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS AND A BAN ON LOBBYING
Every draft bill, regulation and parliamentary amendment must have an open digital register of authors by name and a full lobbying trail. An absolute ban is introduced on drafting laws by private law firms and foreign-capital lobbyists. Attempts to smuggle provisions at the behest of corporations or foreign capitals are treated as diplomatic treason punishable by many years in prison.
PILLAR 19: TOTAL SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE AND TAXATION OF THE CLERGY
Immediate liquidation of the Church Fund, taxation of religious associations’ income on general principles and an absolute ban on transferring State Treasury and local-government property at giveaway prices or with discounts. Religious associations may be financed only from voluntary tax deductions by believers in the annual PIT return.
PILLAR 20: CITIZENS' VETO AND BINDING REFERENDUM WITHOUT A TURNOUT THRESHOLD
Restoring real power to the sovereign people: a motion supported by 500,000 citizen signatures obliges the Sejm to call a nationwide referendum within 90 days. The result of the referendum is absolutely binding for all state authorities without applying any turnout threshold. The executive and legislative branches are categorically forbidden from modifying or delaying the will of the Nation expressed in a referendum.

PART III: TRANSPARENCY, DIGITALIZATION AND STATE SECURITY (PILLARS 21–30)

PILLAR 21: DIGITAL TRANSPARENCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY – AN END TO TROLL FARMS
Requirement of full identity verification and use of real data when publishing press articles, running newspapers and registering accounts on public social media. An end to paid troll farms, party bots and organized disinformation that destroys public debate – every participant bears full personal civil and criminal liability for their words.
PILLAR 22: TOTAL SERVICE TRANSPARENCY – MANDATORY BODY CAMERAS
An absolute obligation to audiovisually record all official actions taken by tax officials, customs officers, police officers and officers of uniformed and special services using continuously active body cameras. Deliberately turning off the camera, covering the lens or destroying the recording means automatic dismissal from service with a ruinous record and the nullification of any charges against the citizen.
PILLAR 23: DIRECT ELECTIONS AND RECALL OF JUDGES, PROSECUTORS AND MINISTERS
Introduction of universal, direct citizen elections and a recall mechanism by voting of judges of district courts, district prosecutors, senior officials, ministers and the Prime Minister of the Republic of Poland. Elimination of party nomination keys, cabinet cliques and corrupt promotions in favor of direct verification by citizens.
PILLAR 24: TOTAL DECLASSIFICATION OF THE ARCHIVES OF THE INSTITUTE OF NATIONAL REMEMBRANCE (IPN) AND PRL SERVICES
Immediate, complete opening and full online publication of all archival materials, personnel and operational files of the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) and communist special services (SB, WSW, Second Directorate of the General Staff). Elimination of all restricted collections to definitively cut off file-based blackmail and the hiding of agents’ pasts of public figures.
PILLAR 25: A PUBLIC LIST OF ILLEGAL SERVICE COLLABORATORS IN TRUSTED PROFESSIONS
Absolute publication of a complete register of persons holding positions of public trust (judges, prosecutors, advocates, legal counsels, doctors, journalists) who were illegally recruited or undertook covert cooperation with special services (including Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA)). Covert entanglement in the justice system and media constitutes an existential threat to the constitutional order.
PILLAR 26: MODERN AND DEFENSIVE EDUCATION – AI, DEFENSE AND PROGRAMMING
Definitive removal of religious instruction from public schools and allocation of the saved billions to subjects of key civilizational and strategic importance: practical defense training, marksmanship, medical rescue, cyber security, artificial intelligence (AI) technologies and advanced programming from the earliest ages.
FILAR 27: USTROJOWE BEZPIECZNIKI ANTYAUTORYTARNE – BLOKADA DYKTATURY
Implementation of robust, systemic control safeguards preventing authoritarian usurpation by the executive and the presidency. Any attempt to refuse to appoint a legally constituted government, to block judicial nominations or to manipulate elections will automatically suspend the exercise of the presidential office by operation of law and transfer duties to the Marshal of the Sejm.
FILAR 28: TOTAL TRANSPARENCY OF REMUNERATIONS THROUGHOUT THE ENTIRE PUBLIC SECTOR
The introduction of absolute transparency of all salaries, bonuses, awards (including at the National Bank of Poland and the Chancellery of the President), functional allowances and per diems received by politicians, members of government, state and local government officials and by the authorities of foundations using public funds or collections. A publicly accessible online register of remunerations operating in real time will eliminate hidden corruption and party sinecures.
FILAR 29: ASSET DECLARATIONS 100% PUBLIC, DIGITAL AND FAMILY-INCLUSIVE
The complete elimination of secrecy clauses in asset declarations of persons performing public functions. The obligation to complete declarations in a standardized digital format together with a real market valuation of real estate, cryptocurrencies, company shares and assets transferred to spouses, children and family foundations, under the threat of mandatory confiscation of undisclosed property.
FILAR 30: TOTAL ANNULMENT OF THE TWO-WEEK GOVERNMENT'S DECISIONS FROM 2023
Statutory recognition as absolutely null and void by operation of law (ex tunc) of all financial decisions, resolutions, personnel appointments, grants and asset transfers made by the so-called two-week government of Mateusz Morawiecki from November 2023. All acts shall be immediately erased and diverted funds returned to the state budget.

PART IV: ECONOMIC, DEFENSIVE AND LEGAL SOVEREIGNTY (FILARS 31–40)

FILAR 31: DEFENSE SOVEREIGNTY – SOURCE CODES AND MANDATORY OFFSET
An absolute statutory requirement that every arms contract concluded by the Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland contains full industrial offset, technology transfer, servicing in Polish facilities and the handover of full source codes and operational accesses to the Republic. A ban on buying bare equipment that makes the country’s security dependent on the whims and decisions of foreign capitals.
FILAR 32: ZERO REMUNERATION FOR SUSPENDED OFFICIALS AND JUDGES
Immediate suspension of payment of salaries, allowances and any emoluments to prosecutors, judges and senior state officials in the event of their formal suspension from duties or the initiation of criminal proceedings for breach of law. An end to paying tens of thousands of zloty per month for inactivity to people of the old establishment.
FILAR 33: ZERO SEVERANCE AND "GOLDEN PARACHUTES" IN THE PUBLIC SECTOR
The total elimination of severance pay, gigantic compensation for non-compete bans and golden parachutes for ministers, deputy ministers, presidents of the National Bank of Poland, village heads, mayors, city presidents and members of the management boards and supervisory boards of State Treasury and municipal companies. Work for the state is service, not a tool for milking the budget by party appointees.
FILAR 34: ONE BIG INVESTIGATION INTO THE 2025 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
The mandatory consolidation of all scattered proceedings concerning electoral protests, irregularities and suspicions of falsifying the 2025 presidential election into one large nationwide investigation conducted directly under the supervision of the Prosecutor General with public broadcasting of interrogations in order to punish the backers of the attack on the elections.
FILAR 35: LIQUIDATION OF THE CBA AND THE POLITICIZED INSTITUTE OF NATIONAL REMEMBRANCE
The definitive liquidation of the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA) and the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) – institutions transformed by the party apparatus into political police, hack factories and centres for protecting power networks. Anti-corruption competences are taken over by the Central Investigation Bureau of Police (CBŚP), and the IPN archives are 100% declassified and transferred to the State Archives.
FILAR 36: UNIVERSAL VOTING OBLIGATION AND SECURE HYBRID VOTING
The introduction by statute of a universal obligation to participate in elections for all adult citizens modeled on proven democratic systems. The implementation of secure, encrypted internet voting based on blockchain technology in full coexistence with polling stations. The total elimination of party subsidies and the abolition of the archaic electoral silence.
FILAR 37: RIGID DEADLINES DECIDING CASES IN FAVOR OF THE CITIZEN
The removal from all legal acts and codes of discretionary procedural phrases. The introduction of rigid calendar deadlines for an office or court to resolve a matter — missing them results in an automatic, definitive decision in favor of the citizen (the principle of tacit consent and recognition of the claim), and the negligent official bears personal financial liability.
FILAR 38: CITIZENAL MONOPOLY ON CREATING A NEW CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND
The absolute exclusion from the process of drafting a New Basic Law of former and current deputies, senators, ministers, presidents and representatives of party legal corporations. The new Constitution must be an act of the sovereign people: prepared by a Citizens’ Assembly chosen by lottery with the support of independent experts and ratified in a nationwide referendum.
FILAR 39: THE POLITICIAN'S STATUS AS A HIRED EMPLOYEE OF THE NATION
Statutory definition of the legal status of a deputy, senator and councillor as a hired employee of the Nation. Mandatory presence at votes under penalty of immediate disciplinary dismissal and loss of emoluments. Changing parliamentary club or party during a term results in immediate expiration of the mandate by operation of law.
FILAR 40: INSTITUTIONAL AUTOMATISM OF THE RULE OF LAW – NO TO BLOCKADES
Implementation of a strict regime of accountability for all state bodies for refusal to enforce final judgments, rulings and court resolutions. When a public official, the President, a minister or a judge delays the execution of a constitutional duty (e.g. taking the oath from judges or signing ambassadorial appointments), the IT system automatically suspends them from duties after 14 days and initiates a procedure to remove them from office.

PART V: JUSTICE, FINANCE AND PERSONAL RESPONSIBILITY (PILLARS 41–50)

FILAR 41: DELEGALIZATION OF NEO-JUDGES, BAN ON JUDGING AND STRIPPING OF APANAGES
All judges appointed in gross violation of the Constitution by the politicized neo-KRS (National Council of the Judiciary (KRS)) and doubles in the Constitutional Tribunal and the Supreme Court are by law permanently removed from judging. Their appointment acts are deemed null and void. They are immediately deprived of undeserved immunities and of luxurious retirement privileges and are transferred to the general system of the Social Insurance Institution (ZUS), bearing full criminal liability for unlawful judgments issued.
FILAR 42: ABSOLUTE BAN ON INTERMEDIARIES IN PUBLIC AND DEFENCE CONTRACTS
When executing state, local government, infrastructure, fuel and military procurements, a strict ban is introduced on the participation of any intermediaries, shell companies (such as OTS), advisory entities and commission agents. Contracts may be concluded only directly with certified producers under penalty of presumption of the crimes of corruption and treason.
FILAR 43: MANDATORY ABSOLUTE IMPRISONMENT FOR OFFICIALS AND POLITICIANS
Politicians, members of government, deputies, senators, judges, prosecutors and senior state officials committing crimes in connection with their office are completely deprived of the possibility of suspended sentences. For corruption, abuse of power, paid patronage or theft of public property only unconditional imprisonment is imposed, increased by a minimum of 50% compared with general sanctions.
FILAR 44: ABSOLUTE JURISDICTIONAL EQUALITY – BAN ON CORPORATE CONSENTS
Final rejection of any formal and material immunities. No person on the territory of the Republic of Poland — whether holding the office of President, Prime Minister, marshal, deputy, judge or prosecutor — has a protective shield against the law. Notification of a committed crime is processed immediately before a common court without the need to obtain any Sejm resolutions or corporate consents.
FILAR 45: DIGITAL SOVEREIGNTY AND FULL JURISDICTION OVER PLATFORMS
All global digital corporations, internet applications and social services monetizing traffic or collecting data on the territory of the Republic of Poland must unconditionally be subject to Polish law and Polish courts. Every entity has a statutory obligation to have a physical registered office in Poland with direct contact to an authorized board under penalty of immediate domain blocking and financial sanctions.
FILAR 46: CALENDAR-BASED COURT AND PROSECUTORIAL RIGOR (DEADLINES 7/14/30 DAYS)
Introduction of rigid, non-extendable calendar deadlines for courts and prosecutors: maximum 7 days to issue incidental orders, 14 days to prepare a written justification of a judgment and 30 days to conclude key procedural stages. Missing a deadline results in an automatic loss of 50% of a judge’s or prosecutor’s salary for the month in question, and a repeat violation leads to disciplinary removal from the profession.
FILAR 47: TWO-COMPONENT, LEGIBLE SIGNATURE OF PERSONAL RESPONSIBILITY
Every court judgment, prosecutorial decision, administrative decision, draft law, regulation and their justification must, under penalty of absolute invalidity, bear the legible full name of the person responsible printed in computer type and a handwritten, legible personal signature. The use of illegible initials and anonymous stamps is prohibited.
FILAR 48: REAL-TIME BANKING – SETTLEMENTS 24/7/365
All banking and financial institutions operating on the territory of the Republic of Poland have an absolute obligation to post and settle interbank transfers in real time, 24 hours a day, 7 days a week, 365 days a year without additional fees. It is prohibited to withhold citizens’ and entrepreneurs’ funds in interbank settlement sessions such as Elixir and to unlawfully use others’ capital on weekends and holidays.
FILAR 49: MANDATORY VAT REFUND WITHIN A MAXIMUM OF 7 DAYS
Statutory obligation to refund overpaid value added tax (VAT) to entrepreneurs’ bank accounts within a non-extendable period of 7 calendar days from the filing of the declaration. Companies’ funds constitute the bloodstream of the national economy and cannot be frozen under the pretext of multi-month tax verifications. Any audits may be carried out only in parallel without blocking liquidity.
FILAR 50: AN END TO THE NEWSPEAK OF IMPUNITY – PRECISE CRIMINAL QUALIFICATION
Absolute ban on the use by judges, prosecutors and politicians of manipulative newspeak that conceals crimes. Total elimination of artificial concepts such as “disciplinary offense”, “breach of the dignity of office”, “formal error” or “oversight” in relation to theft, pimping, corruption, election fraud, human rights violations and constitutional treason. Any such act is qualified and tried directly under the Penal Code with mandatory confiscation of assets!

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