MAIN TITLE OF THE EDITION:

CBA STEPS INTO ATOM, TUSK REJECTS NAWROCKI'S BLACKMAIL, THE PEGASUS NOOSE AROUND ELITES AND THE ZAMOŚĆ CLIQUE IN PANIC!

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF'S COMMENT OF THE DAY: MIECZYSŁAW DZIKOWSKI

Friday morning, 6 November 2026, brings to the Republic a final verification of the intentions of the political class and the deep state apparatus. While on the international stage the collapse of the camp of Donald Trump and Elon Musk in the US midterm elections robs the right of illusions about the return of unpunished populism, in Poland a brutal game is underway over multi-billion markets and the impunity of demoralized cliques.

The strike by the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA) against the management of the Ostrołęka power plant and the arrest of the president of Westinghouse Polska Mirosław Kowalik exactly at the moment of finalizing the contract for the first Polish nuclear power plant is a textbook example of economic diversion and a fight between interest groups tied to the old services. At the same time Prime Minister Donald Tusk, during the National Security Council, unequivocally rejected the blackmail of Karol Nawrocki, who, under the threat of riots on 11 November, tried to force through a rotten “constitutional reset” and legalization of Ziobro’s coups.

The most glaring proof of the breakdown of the state remains, however, the conspiracy of silence around illegal Pegasus wiretaps and the ruthless attempts to lynch the ailing investigative journalist Tomasz Szwejgiert by the Zamość–Lublin prosecutorial clique. The principle Nemo iudex in causa sua – no one may be a judge in their own case – has been trampled on by investigators who themselves took money from the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau's operational fund and now want to accuse the man exposing this practice.

Gazeta ALGOOMNI says enough! We publish in unabridged form the full Manifesto of Governance: Konstytucja ALGOOMNI (ALGOOMNI Constitution) – All 50 Pillars of the Rule of Law from 1 to 50 without any abbreviations. We demand the immediate liquidation of the CBA, the abolition of immunities and the confiscation of the mafia's assets!

CONTENTS OF ISSUE NO. 56/2026 (06.11.2026):

ART. I: CBA vs the Prime Minister: Who really rules in the shadow of the atomic scandal and the coal scam in Ostrołęka? (Krzysztof Kluzek, Jan Piński)
ART. II: What holds them? The conspiracy of silence around Pegasus and the paralysis of the Polish political scene (Jan Piński, Tomasz Szwejgiert)
ART. III: Tusk rejects blackmail and diktat: The end of illusions about a “reset” of the Constitutional Tribunal (Tomasz Wiejski)
ART. IV: Diplomatic banishment from the salons: Ursula von der Leyen and European leaders reject Nawrocki (Tomasz Wiejski)
ART. V: Atomic sabotage: Why do the arrests around Westinghouse hit Poland’s security? (Jan Piński, Tomasz Szwejgiert)
ART. VI: The deadly harvest of Ziobro's machine: The last spasms of the tormentors in robes and the collapse of the myth of lawlessness (Prof. Stefan Niesiołowski, Tomasz Pichór)
ART. VII: Notification to Prosecutor Kryk: Complaint about the ruthlessness of the apparatus and collusion in Zamość (Tomasz Szwejgiert)
ART. VIII: No one can be a judge in their own case: An appeal to Waldemar Żurek to rescue Szwejgiert (Jan Piński)
MANIFESTO OF GOVERNANCE: Konstytucja ALGOOMNI (ALGOOMNI Constitution) – All 50 Pillars of the Rule of Law (Pillars 1–50 in full).
IMPRINT (IMPRESSUM): Official data of the ALGOOMNI P.S.A. publishing house (ISSN 3072-6360, RPR 21687).

ARTICLE I: CBA VS THE PRIME MINISTER: WHO REALLY RULES IN THE SHADOW OF THE ATOMIC SCANDAL AND THE COAL SWINDLE IN OSTROŁĘKA?

Based on operational analysis: Krzysztof Kluzek and Jan Piński ("Kulisy Polityki")

The statement by Prime Minister Donald Tusk from several days ago, in which he called the officers of the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA) “his people,” caused a deep shock among defenders of the rule of law and analysts of the intelligence services. Three years after the electoral victory of the formation promising the complete liquidation of this compromised, politicized and abuse-ridden institution, the head of government seems to legitimize a formation that for nearly a decade constituted the private armed wing of Law and Justice. Krzysztof Kluzek together with Jan Piński mercilessly expose a mechanism in which the CBA apparatus only seemingly changed colors, replacing leading party nominees with their long-time deputies from the second and third tiers. The same people who for years turned a blind eye to gigantic theft around the Lotos-Orlen merger, transfers of tens of billions to Saudi Aramco and Unimot and who concealed reports of money laundering through the Zonda Crypto exchange suddenly announce “spectacular successes.” The timing of the arrests of over 25 people connected to the matter of the demolished coal power plant in Ostrołęka is not accidental but bears all the hallmarks of a protective operation and market sabotage. The Ostrołęka scam, where one billion six hundred million zloty of taxpayers' money was sunk into a project from the start devoid of economic sense, was known and fully documented with evidence already at the beginning of 2024. Postponing the strike until November 2026, precisely at the moment when key commercial terms with the Westinghouse and Bechtel consortium are being finalized for the construction of the first Polish nuclear power plant, gives rise to justified suspicions of deliberate economic diversion. The arrest of the president of the Polish branch of Westinghouse, Mirosław Kowalik, under the pretext of his past decisions on the board of Enea paralyzes the negotiation process of the most important energy project in the history of the Third Polish Republic. In the background of this operation are the interests of competing lobbies promoting South Korean technologies, around which suspicious intermediaries tied to the intelligence services have circulated for years. Instead of a transparent explanation of the plundering of state assets, the CBA again carries out a kompromat operation aimed at pressuring the government and blocking Poland's emancipation from eastern energy carriers. Pursuant to Pillar 3 and Pillar 35 of the ALGOOMNI Constitution, an absolute zero option is introduced and the immediate, complete liquidation of the CBA, transferring anti-corruption tasks to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBŚP). In addition Pillar 42 of the ALGOOMNI Constitution categorically prohibits the participation of intermediaries and shell companies in energy contracts under the penalty of charges of treason.

ARTICLE II: WHAT DO THEY HOLD OVER THEM? A CONSPIRACY OF SILENCE AROUND PEGASUS EAVESDROPPING AND THE PARALYSIS OF THE POLISH POLITICAL SCENE

Based on an operational investigation: Jan Piński and Tomasz Szwejgiert

The puzzling, even paralyzing silence that has fallen over the Polish public sphere regarding the disclosure of the full list of victims of the Pegasus cyberweapon and the Predator system is the most dangerous proof of the incapacitation of the elites by a demoralized security apparatus. Jan Piński and Tomasz Szwejgiert have for months been asking a fundamental question: what and on what basis do people from the old Ziobro, Kamiński and Wąsik networks hold key politicians of the governing camp and the so‑called sanctioned opposition in thrall? Why did Rafał Trzaskowski, when publicly asked in an interview about the surveillance of his campaign team and closest collaborators, squirm and claim that he knew nothing about it, even though he lodged an official complaint with the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg? Why did leading politicians of the democratic opposition, such as Barbara Nowacka, Małgorzata Kidawa‑Błońska or Hanna Zdanowska, have to seek justice before international tribunals instead of getting an unforgiving investigation in their own country? This conspiracy of silence does not stem from ignorance, but from panic fear of the disclosure of a massive, privatized dossier of personal material that fell into the hands of former officers of the Central Anti‑Corruption Bureau (CBA) and the Internal Security Agency (ABW). Intelligence analysts estimate that years of illegal operations amassed thousands of intimate, private recordings, conversations and phone materials of leaders of all parties — including Krzysztof Bosak, Sławomir Mentzen, Władysław Kosiniak‑Kamysz and Szymon Hołownia. It is precisely this arsenal of kompromat that today determines that Konfederacja suddenly aligns with Jarosław Kaczyński, and prominent PSL politicians murmur about a bizarre “constitutional reset” if only to prevent full opening of the files. Worse still, the mass surveillance extended not only to the world of politics but to hundreds of independent journalists, publishers, lawyers and leading Polish entrepreneurs such as Rafał Brzoska, Zygmunt Solorz and Arkadiusz Muś. In a state where attorney‑client and journalistic privilege have been trampled with impunity, civil liberty is a fiction, and the justice system becomes a tool of mafia extortion. This systemic lawlessness strikes directly at Pillar 10 of the Constitution of ALGOOMNI, which demands the immediate, full and unconditional disclosure of the list of all persons surveilled by cyberweapons together with the names of the decision makers. In accordance with Pillar 25 of the Constitution of ALGOOMNI, the list of illegal collaborators of the services in professions of public trust becomes public, and Pillar 4 of the Constitution of ALGOOMNI requires the uncompromising accounting of the present authorities for their omissions and the sin of dilatoriness.

ARTICLE III: TUSK REJECTS BLACKMAIL AND DICTATE: THE END OF DREAMS ABOUT A "RESET" OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL TRIBUNAL IN THE SHADOW OF AN EASTERN THREAT

Based on a political analysis: Tomasz Wiejski ("Okiem Wiejskiego")

The meeting of the National Security Council convened by Karol Nawrocki was intended by its organizers to become a political trap for the prime minister and the triumphant return of the coup plotters' camp to the game for power. The provocative, tavern‑style speech by the acting president in the portion open to the media, in which he attacked the legitimate judges of the Constitutional Tribunal and demanded the government's capitulation under threat of street riots on 11 November, was however met with a cool, crushing rebuttal from Donald Tusk. The prime minister, dismissing Nawrocki's aggressive tirade with the remark that “it was interesting, but had nothing to do with reality,” exposed the impotence and primitiveness of the political environment gathered around the Presidential Palace. Most importantly, Tusk publicly and definitively buried the idea of a “constitutional reset” promoted by symmetrists, media authorities and political opportunists. This proposal, which essentially meant leaving unpunished the people who for ten years destroyed the state system and sharing power in the Tribunal with PiS nominees, was unequivocally rejected as contrary to Poland’s national interest. Major Robert Cheda points to the strategic dimension of this clash: Donald Tusk moved the dispute from the level of personal squabbling to the level of a firm defence of state security against Russian subversion. Attempts disclosed by the Polish military intelligence and allied services to infiltrate armed sabotage groups from the Kaliningrad Oblast vividly show in whose interest Nawrocki’s and Kaczyński’s apparatus acts, seeking to provoke chaos in the centre of Warsaw. Inciting crowds, undermining the legality of the Sejm and calling on officers to disobey commanders of police forces by PiS and Konfederacja politicians are classic implementations of Kremlin hybrid warfare. The General Assembly of judges chaired by Judge Anna Korwin‑Piotrowska, which secured the institution’s budget and implemented disciplinary procedures against the suspended rebels, restored constitutional order without regard to the plotters’ hysteria. A private, face‑to‑face meeting between the prime minister and Nawrocki can concern only technical aspects of de‑escalation and ensuring the state’s security, not bargaining over fundamental principles of the rule of law. This blow strikes directly at Pillar 27 of the Constitution of ALGOOMNI, which activates anti‑authoritarian safety locks preventing dictatorship and a coup against the state. In accordance with Pillar 40 and Pillar 41 of the Constitution of ALGOOMNI, neo‑judges and stand‑ins are definitively outlawed by law, and officials blocking final rulings are subject to automatic removal from office.

ARTICLE IV: DIPLOMATIC BANISHMENT IN POLITE SOCIETY: URSULA VON DER LEYEN AND EUROPEAN WOMAN LEADERS REJECT VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN

Based on European correspondence: Tomasz Wiejski ("Okiem Wiejskiego")

The nighttime, unlawful intrusion of Karol Nawrocki into the building of the Constitutional Tribunal, combined with the physical roughing up of judge Anna Korwin-Piotrowska, has provoked an international scandal whose consequences isolate Poland on the diplomatic stage to an extent not seen for decades. The news that the President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen called off a planned joint press conference with the occupant of the Presidential Palace is a direct signal that in the civilized world no one intends to tolerate methods straight out of a hooligan brawl. Tomasz Wiejski, in his uncompromising commentary, stresses that Nawrocki’s behaviour crossed every cultural, legal and moral boundary, reducing the office of the president to a laughingstock and a symbol of aggression. European leaders — irrespective of party colour, from Ursula von der Leyen to Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni — cannot and will not appear in public with a man who, in front of cameras, grabs at clothing and pushes a woman older than himself who is protected by judicial immunity. Attempts to explain this incident by the presidential spokesman Rafał Leśkiewicz, who absurdly claims that “the president has the right to enter the office at one in the morning like any citizen,” elicit only pity mixed with embarrassment in the salons of Brussels, Paris and Berlin. Instead of courage and resolve, the world saw a sweating, enraged bully surrounded by a retinue of assistants offering him snus and trying by force to wrench keys to offices away. No immunity or held office can exempt one from elementary criminal responsibility for violating the bodily integrity of another person, especially a woman performing a constitutional judicial duty. The initiation by the National Prosecutor's Office of an ex officio investigation into the active assault on Constitutional Tribunal judges and the attempt to unlawfully influence the court’s activities is the only possible reaction of a law-abiding state. Officials accompanying Nawrocki, including MP Zbigniew Bogucki and the so-called “snus man” Kacper Nadstawny, do not possess presidential immunity and must face the prosecutor for complicity in the nighttime raid. The international ostracism now facing Nawrocki proves that in 21st-century Europe brutality is a definitive disqualification. This scandal is directly struck by Pillar 5 and Pillar 16 of the ALGOOMNI Constitution, which abolish presidential immunity and mandate that perpetrators of violence be judged before a citizens' jury. In accordance with Pillar 43 of the ALGOOMNI Constitution, suspended sentences are excluded for officials who use violence, and Pillar 50 prohibits covering up assaults with newspeak about disciplinary offenses.

ARTICLE V: NUCLEAR SABOTAGE: WHY ARE THE ARRESTS AROUND THE WESTINGHOUSE CONTRACT HITTING POLAND'S STRATEGIC SECURITY?

Based on an investigation: Jan Piński and Tomasz Szwejgiert

When, in the shadow of wartime rhetoric surrounding the Constitutional Tribunal, the media circulated news of the arrest by the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA) of more than 25 people, including Mirosław Kowalik, the president of the Polish branch of Westinghouse, it became clear that a ruthless fight over billion‑dollar markets and the direction of Poland’s strategic alliances is taking place in the background. Jan Piński and Tomasz Szwejgiert reveal the behind‑the‑scenes of an operation that, under the guise of settling a past scam connected to the construction and demolition of the coal block at the Ostrołęka power plant, strikes directly at the implementation of the Polish nuclear programme. The company Westinghouse, operating in a tight consortium with the American engineering giant Bechtel, signed in September 2026 a key commercial agreement to build AP1000 reactors at the Lubiatowo-Kopalino site, obtaining the green light to order critical long‑lead components. The detention of the main manager responsible for those negotiations precisely at the moment when the final executive contracts are being polished is a blow to the credibility of the Polish state in the eyes of Washington and Western investors. Krzysztof Kluzek points out that this mechanism is eerily reminiscent of the darkest provocations of past years, when convenient state‑company presidents were removed on fabricated charges to open the way to lucrative kickbacks for friendly intermediaries. The CBA, instead of explaining the role of the former energy minister Krzysztof Tchórzewski or the MP Arkadiusz Czartoryski in the senseless sinking of one billion six hundred million zloty in Ostrołęka, kept these materials for three years at the bottom of a drawer, waiting for a politically opportune moment. Taking them out now, in agreement with people promoting a competing, incomplete South Korean project, proves that the intelligence services in Poland still behave like autonomous business‑political groups pursuing their own agenda. Donald Tusk, who until recently called CBA officers “his people,” now faces the necessity of immediately cutting this Gordian knot. If the government allows the contract with Westinghouse to be torpedoed by the hands of PiS and post‑PiS cadres in the services, Poland will lose a historic chance for cheap, clean energy and freedom from Russian blackmail. This hits directly at the country’s energy sovereignty Pillar 31 of the ALGOOMNI Constitution, which demands absolute technological sovereignty, the transfer of source codes and a Polish offset. In accordance with Pillar 11 of the ALGOOMNI Constitution, officials and officers who sabotage the state’s strategic investments bear full criminal and financial liability with all their assets.

ARTICLE VI: THE ZIOBRO MACHINE'S DEADLY HARVEST: THE LAST FITS OF THE TORTURERS IN ROBES AND THE COLLAPSE OF THE MYTH OF “LEGAL” LAWLESSNESS

Based on a public debate: Prof. Stefan Niesiołowski and Tomasz Pichór

An astonishing spectacle of hypocrisy and panic, which we observe in the performance of politicians of Suwerenna Polska and their protégés in the prosecutor’s offices and courts, exposes the final agony of a system built on human suffering, staged trials and disciplinary terror. Professor Stefan Niesiołowski in conversation with Tomasz Pichór sharply pinpoints the desperation of people who for eight years devastated the Polish judiciary, and today, when faced with inevitable criminal responsibility, scream about a “state of war” and a “coup d’état.” The recent speeches of MPs Mariusz Gosek, Michał Wójcik and Patryk Jaki, who are ready to defend former National Prosecutor Bogdan Święczkowski even though he moved directly from the chairmanship of the Internal Security Agency (ABW) and the position of Ziobro’s right hand to the Constitutional Tribunal solely to block settlements of multi-billion embezzlements, have become a symbol of this moral collapse. The machine created by Ziobro and Święczkowski did not hesitate to destroy human lives: from the tragic death of Barbara Blida, through unexplained deaths in penitentiaries, to 22 months of unlawful extraction custody for Tomasz Szwejgiert, who had his own defender recruited to inform on him to the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA). The same environment that during the pandemic, by unlawful regulations, caused 250,000 excess deaths by blocking access to medical care, now tries to portray itself as defenders of citizens’ constitutional rights. Hysterical attempts to block the work of the legitimate Constitutional Tribunal stem from a simple calculation: nullifying the unconstitutional gag laws and entrenchment of the prosecutor’s office will open the way to bringing Zbigniew Ziobro, Marcin Romanowski, Michał Woś and their media cheerleaders before an Independent Court. No comical pickets at the fence on Aleja Szucha, no vocal displays by MP Wójcik against the backdrop of wailing megaphones will change the fact that the time of impunity has come to an end. Polish society delivered its verdict on ziobryzm on 15 October 2023, and it is the duty of the current authorities to ensure that the perpetrators of unlawfulness, instead of appearing in television studios, sit on the defendants’ bench. This inevitable reckoning includes Pillar 3 and Pillar 6 of the Constitution of ALGOOMNI, which introduce an absolute zero option toward the PiS system and two-term limits in all organs of power. In accordance with Pillar 16 of the Constitution of ALGOOMNI, the caste loses all privileges and answers before a civic jury, and Pillar 33 abolishes all severance packages and golden parachutes for corrupt officials.

ARTICLE VII: NOTICE TO PROSECUTOR KRYK: COMPLAINT ABOUT THE RUTHLESSNESS OF THE APPARATUS AND THE CONSPIRACY OF THE LUBLIN–ZAMOSC PROSECUTOR’S OFFICE

Based on procedural documents: Tomasz Szwejgiert ("Z Bańki")

The harrowing appeal of Tomasz Szwejgiert addressed directly to Prosecutor Grzegorz Kryk of the District Prosecutor’s Office in Zamość is a document of accusation against a degenerate segment of the Polish justice system that continues to refuse to submit to the rules of a democratic rule-of-law state. The investigative journalist, battling terminal illnesses — progressive pulmonary fibrosis and dilated cardiomyopathy of the heart — became the target of a ruthless operation aimed at physically and psychologically destroying a man before a documentary film exposing the CBA’s crimes hits the screens. Prosecutor Kryk, a direct subordinate of Regional Prosecutor Cezary Maj in Lublin and a long-time collaborator of prosecutors Agata Baryła and Anna Siwiec, is pushing for charges to be brought against Szwejgiert on 6 November for alleged defamation of those officers. The entire procedural maneuver was precisely synchronized in time: a hearing was scheduled just four days before the session of the District Court Lublin-West, which on 10 November is to consider an appeal against the discontinuation of the investigation into Baryła and Siwiec. Refusal to accept official medical certificates, an order to appear despite a planned CT scan essential for saving life, and ignoring motions to disqualify the prosecutor due to an evident conflict of interest all bear the marks of judicial-prosecutorial torture. Tomasz Szwejgiert publicly asked Prosecutor Kryk about his participation in a luxury trip to Kenya in December 2022, financed from CBA operational funds, in which Prosecutor Baryła was allegedly also to participate. In a normal, law-abiding country, the superior authority would immediately remove the files from the hands of such connected people and transfer them to an independent unit in another region of Poland. By refusing to submit to the dictates of the Zamość investigator, Szwejgiert becomes the voice of thousands of defenseless citizens who daily fall victim to the arrogance and ruthlessness of local prosecutorial cliques. This violation of human rights is struck at by Pillar 9 and Pillar 14 of the Constitution of ALGOOMNI, which mandate a strict order of case intake without freezers and rigorous accountability of officials. In accordance with Pillar 46 of the Constitution of ALGOOMNI, courts and prosecutor’s offices are bound by absolute deadlines of 7, 14 and 30 days under the threat of immediate removal from the profession, and Pillar 47 forces a clear signature of personal responsibility.

ARTICLE VIII: NO ONE CAN BE A JUDGE IN HIS OWN CASE: AN APPEAL TO WALDEMAR ŻUREK TO SAVE THE RULE OF LAW AND END THE LYNCHING OF SZWEJGERT

Based on an open letter: Jan Piński ("Bez cenzury")

The public, dramatic appeal of Jan Piński to the Minister of Justice and Attorney General Waldemar Żurek is a cry for elementary decency and fidelity to the principles on which the current camp of power built its mandate. The Editor-in-Chief, invoking the Roman principle Nemo iudex in causa sua, reminds the minister of his own life path – years of unwavering struggle against the repressions of the PiS regime, attempts to break his backbone and to hound him by a machinery subordinated to Ziobro. Today, when Waldemar Żurek wields full prosecutorial power, he faces a moral and constitutional duty to cut short the lynching that people of the old network in the Lublin and Zamość structures are carrying out against the seriously ill Tomasz Szwejgiert. One cannot on the one hand triumphantly file motions to lift Bogdan Święczkowski’s immunity for destroying the state, and on the other hand turn a blind eye to the fact that subordinates of Cezary Maj – registered in operational files as a source of information for the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA) – are bringing charges against the man who publicly revealed that fact. The evidence of corruption in the Lublin prosecutor’s office is solid and staggering: reports from the Supreme Audit Office (NIK) directly point to illegal payments to prosecutors by the security services in the GetBack and Abris cases, and there is a non-final disciplinary court verdict convicting attorney Dorota Emanuel of acting knowingly to Szwejgiert’s detriment at the behest of the CBA. Leaving the investigation in the hands of prosecutor Grzegorz Kryk, socially and officially connected with persons named in the criminal complaints, is an open mockery of the constitutional right to an impartial trial. Jan Piński formally demands that Waldemar Żurek apply Article 62 § 2 and 3 of the Law on the Prosecutor’s Office and immediately appoint a special prosecutorial team in the National Prosecutor's Office (Prokuratura Krajowa), completely excluded from the Lublin structures and free of any ties to the CBA. When Wirtualna Polska exposed the violation of journalistic confidentiality, Minister Żurek intervened within a few hours; today the same standard must be applied without compromise in the case of Tomasz Szwejgiert. Silence on this matter and passively watching a gravely ill person being dragged to unlawful interrogations will be charged to the personal account of the current ministry leadership. This fight for justice is part of Pillar 11 and Pillar 16 of the ALGOOMNI Constitution, guaranteeing full property liability of officials and equal law for all before the civic jury of peers. In accordance with Filarem 44 Konstytucji ALGOOMNI, all protective shields are abolished, and Filar 50 prohibits the new-speak of impunity!

MANIFESTO ON THE SYSTEM: ALGOOMNI CONSTITUTION – 50 PILLARS OF THE RULE OF LAW

CITIZEN SOVEREIGNTY, CLEAN POWER AND THE TOTAL ELIMINATION OF IMPUNITY

PART I: ELECTORAL SOVEREIGNTY AND ACCOUNTABILITY FOR LAWLESSNESS (PILLARS 1–10)

PILLAR 1: THE SANCTITY OF EVERY VOTE AND THE PHYSICAL CONTROL OF THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE
Every cast vote is the highest, direct and inviolable mandate of the sovereign people in the state. No digital algorithm, politicized Państwowa Komisja Wyborcza (State Electoral Commission) nor party network has the right to annul, falsify or distort the will of citizens. An absolute requirement of physical verifiability of a paper ballot is introduced, as well as round-the-clock monitoring of the vote-counting process with direct HD transmission on the open internet. Falsifying a vote or manipulating the electoral protocol is regarded as the crime of treason, punishable by life imprisonment with mandatory, total confiscation of the perpetrators’ and instigators’ property.
PILLAR 2: A RECOUNT OF THE VOTES FROM THE 2025 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
A statutory, immediate mandate to carry out full, commission-led inspections and a complete, one hundred percent open recount of all ballots from the 2025 presidential election before television cameras and in the presence of independent trusted witnesses. Assuming the highest office in the state under the shadow of manipulation of electoral protocols, ballot stuffing and the systemic paralysis of the Supreme Court requires a full establishment of the material truth. If fraud is confirmed, the usurper is to be immediately removed from office and the guilty held criminally accountable.
PILLAR 3: ACCOUNTABILITY FOR THE PIS NETWORK – ABSOLUTE "OPTION ZERO" WITH NO CONCESSIONS
Full, uncompromising criminal, constitutional and property liability of officials of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość and their coalition partners for the systemic dismantling of the separation of powers, the devastation of the rule of law and the brazen looting of billions of zloty in the Governmental Strategic Reserves Agency, PKN Orlen, Grupa Lotos, Ostrołęka C, NCBR, the Fund for Justice and TVP. Any amnesties, sweeping lines, statutes of limitations or political leniencies are excluded – every scandal will be accounted for to the very bottom with full, uncompromising forfeiture of the plundered assets to the State Treasury.
PILLAR 4: HOLDING THE CURRENT GOVERNMENT ACCOUNTABLE FOR NEGLECT, DILATORY TACTICS AND LACK OF ACCOUNTABILITY
Power elected with a democratic mandate to restore the rule of law, which for the sake of conformism, political fear, coffee-shop arrangements or party coalition calculations chooses procrastination, sabotage of reforms or the sin of omission, bears direct constitutional and criminal responsibility. Willful blocking of accountability for the crimes of predecessors is treated as direct complicity in the crime of aiding and abetting and results in the immediate shortening of the parliamentary term and the resignation of the government.
PILLAR 5: COMPLETE AND FINAL ABOLITION OF IMMUNITIES THROUGHOUT THE STATE
Definitive abolition of parliamentary immunities (deputy, senator, European), judicial, prosecutorial, ministerial, official and presidential immunities. All citizens without the slightest exception are one hundred percent equal before the law and answer before independent common courts from freedom or pre-trial detention. Immunity has become a pathological, criminal shield protecting corruption, pimping, theft, violence and the impunity of demoralized political elites.
PILLAR 6: MANDATORY TWO-TERM LIMITS IN ALL ORGANS OF POWER
Introduction of a strict, non‑extendable limit of a maximum of two terms (counted cumulatively over an individual’s lifetime) for deputies, senators, city presidents/mayors, mayors (wójt), councilors and the heads of state agencies and central offices. An end to a lifelong, professional caste of politicians welded to their seats for decades, treating the public mandate as a private fief and creating oligarchic bureaucratic clans preying on taxpayers.
FILAR 7: OBLIGATORY, QUARTERLY TOXICOLOGY TESTS AT THE SUMMITS OF POWER
Mandatory, fully independent and random laboratory tests (from blood, urine and hair samples) for the presence of narcotics, psychotropic substances, legal highs and alcohol, carried out unfailingly every three months for the President of the Republic of Poland, the Prime Minister, members of the cabinet, deputies, senators and judges at all levels. Refusal to submit to testing or detection of prohibited substances results in the immediate, automatic termination of the mandate by operation of law and a lifetime ban on holding public office.
FILAR 8: A CITIZENS’ CONSTITUTION WITH RIGID CALENDAR DEADLINES
A new Basic Law drafted directly by citizens and independent experts, completely free of discretionary, vague and corruption‑prone phrases such as “without delay”, “within a reasonable time” or “without undue delay”. Replace them with absolute, rigid calendar days under penalty of automatic loss of office by an official, judge or president in the event of exceeding the designated deadline.
FILAR 9: STRICT ORDER OF RECEIPT IN COURTS AND OFFICES – NO MORE “FREEZERS”
A statutory requirement to process and consider cases strictly according to the precise, to‑the‑second date and time of their receipt by courts, prosecutors’ offices and public offices, implemented with a digital timestamp using blockchain technology. The definitive end to political freezers for cases inconvenient for those in power, manipulation of court dockets and deliberate prolongation of proceedings to cause their statute of limitations to expire.
FILAR 10: FULL AND UNCONDITIONAL DISCLOSURE OF THE LIST OF ILLEGALLY SURVEILLED PEOPLE
Immediate publication of a complete, public register of all people surveilled with cyberweapons (Pegasus, Hermes, Predator and related systems), including the names of the officers and prosecutors who ordered the wiretaps. Society, journalists and citizens have an inalienable right to the full truth, and any compensation for victims of surveillance will be paid in full from the private assets of the decision‑makers of the services.

PART II: CLEAN POWER, ANTI‑CORRUPTION AND TRANSPARENCY (PILLARS 11–20)

FILAR 11: FULL CRIMINAL AND PROPERTY LIABILITY OF FUNCTIONARIES
Introduce personal criminal, civil and property liability (with all present and future assets, including those transferred to spouses, relatives and foundations) for the president, prime ministers, ministers, the president of the National Bank of Poland, parliamentarians, local government officials, judges and prosecutors for willful violations of the Constitution, corruption, fabrication of evidence and unlawful decisions that cause harm to citizens or the State Treasury.
FILAR 12: TOTAL BAN ON HOLDING MULTIPLE POSITIONS AND BAN ON STATE‑OWNED COMPANIES
An absolute ban on sitting on boards, supervisory boards and advisory bodies of State Treasury companies, municipal companies and government agencies for ministers, deputies, senators, mayors (wójt), city mayors, councilors and members of their immediate families (with a mandatory five‑year cooling‑off period after leaving office). State companies to be run exclusively by apolitical experts selected in transparent competitions.
FILAR 13: ABSOLUTE BAN ON PARTY SWITCHING – STOP POLITICAL TOURISM
The mandate of a deputy, senator and councilor is inseparably tied to the will of the voters as expressed on the list of the given electoral committee. Abandoning the parliamentary club, joining another party or political corruption results in the automatic, immediate termination of the mandate by operation of law and the office is taken by the next person on the list who obtained the highest result. An end to trading the votes of the sovereign people.
FILAR 14: MANDATORY ATTENDANCE AT VOTES AND SESSIONS OF THE SEJM
The work of a parliamentarian and a councilor is a strict, accountable service obligation to the Nation. Unexcused absence from sessions of the Sejm, the Senate, committees or votes exceeding 10% in a quarter results in automatic deprivation of the mandate by operation of law, a lifetime ban on running for office and permanent loss of entitlement to severance pay and a parliamentary pension.
FILAR 15: FULL TRANSPARENCY OF EXPENDITURE – PAYMENTS ONLY BY CARD
A total ban on cash settlements, lump sums and advances in parliamentary, presidential, governmental and local government activity. All office expenses, expert opinions, hotels, travel and purchases must be paid exclusively with a named service card linked to a public online register accessible to every citizen in real time. Fraudulently claiming mileage will be treated as common fraud prosecuted ex officio.
FILAR 16: NO MORE “SACRED COWS” – EQUAL LAW AND A CITIZENS’ JURY
Definitive abolition of separate procedures, corporate disciplinary courts and social networks protecting politicians, prosecutors, judges, intelligence agents and their associated pseudo‑journalists. Every official crime, cover‑up, corruption or fabrication of operational files will be tried publicly before a citizens’ jury drawn by lot from among citizens.
FILAR 17: SYSTEMIC PROTECTION AND STRICT SUPERVISION OF FORMER SERVICE OFFICERS
Officers of the special services (AW, Internal Security Agency (ABW), SKW, SWW) who possess knowledge of state secrets cannot be abandoned on the open market as prey for mafias, organized crime and foreign intelligence. Introduce a ten‑year ban on working for foreign entities and in sensitive industries (cryptocurrencies, finance, private detective work, political parties) combined with a decent state analytical pension and strict counterintelligence protection.
FILAR 18: BLOCKING INFILTRATION OF THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS AND BAN ON LOBBYING
Every draft law, regulation and parliamentary amendment must have an open, digital register of authors by first and last name and a full lobbying trail. An absolute ban is introduced on laws being written by private law firms and lobbyists of foreign capital. Attempts to smuggle provisions under the dictate of corporations or foreign capitals are treated as diplomatic treason punishable by many years in prison.
FILAR 19: COMPLETE SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE AND TAXATION OF THE CLERGY
Immediate liquidation of the Church Fund, taxation of the income of religious associations under general rules and an absolute ban on transferring State Treasury and local government real estate for next to nothing or with discounts. Religious associations may be financed only from voluntary tax deductions by believers on the annual PIT return.
FILAR 20: CITIZEN VETO AND BINDING REFERENDUM WITH NO TURNOUT THRESHOLD
Restoration of real power to the sovereign people: a petition supported by 500,000 citizen signatures obliges the Sejm to order a nationwide referendum within 90 days. The result of the referendum is absolutely binding on all state authorities without applying any turnout threshold. The executive and legislative branches are categorically prohibited from modifying or delaying the will of the Nation expressed in a referendum.

PART III: TRANSPARENCY, DIGITALISATION AND STATE SECURITY (FILARS 21–30)

FILAR 21: TRANSPARENCY AND DIGITAL RESPONSIBILITY – NO MORE TROLL FARMS
Requirement of full identity verification and the use of real data when publishing press articles, running newspapers and registering accounts on public social media. An end to paid troll farms, party bots and organised disinformation that destroys public debate – every participant bears full, personal civil and criminal liability for their words.
FILAR 22: TOTAL TRANSPARENCY OF THE SERVICE – MANDATORY BODY CAMERAS
An absolute obligation to audiovisually record all service actions undertaken by tax officers, customs officers, policemen and officers of uniformed and special services using continuously active body cameras. Deliberate turning off the camera, covering the lens or destroying a recording means automatic expulsion from service with a black mark and the annulment of all charges against the citizen.
FILAR 23: DIRECT ELECTIONS AND REMOVAL OF JUDGES, PROSECUTORS AND MINISTERS
Introduction of universal, direct citizen elections and a mechanism for removal by the sovereign people through voting of district court judges, district prosecutors, senior officials, ministers and the Prime Minister. Elimination of party nomination keys, cabinet cronyism and corrupt promotions in favor of direct verification by citizens.
FILAR 24: COMPLETE DECLASSIFICATION OF THE ARCHIVES OF THE INSTITUTE OF NATIONAL REMEMBRANCE AND PRL SECURITY SERVICES
Immediate, one hundred percent opening and full online publication of all archival materials, personal and operational files of the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) and the communist special services (SB, WSW, Directorate II of the General Staff). Elimination of all reserved collections to definitively cut off file-based blackmail and the hiding of agent pasts of public figures.
FILAR 25: PUBLIC LIST OF ILLEGAL SERVICE COLLABORATORS IN TRUSTED PROFESSIONS
An absolute publication of a complete register of persons holding public trust professions (judges, prosecutors, advocates, legal counsels, doctors, journalists) who were illegally recruited or undertook clandestine cooperation with the special services (including Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA)). Secret entanglement in the justice apparatus and the media poses a mortal threat to constitutional order.
FILAR 26: MODERN AND DEFENSIVE EDUCATION – AI, DEFENSE AND PROGRAMMING
Definitive withdrawal of religious teaching from public schools and allocation of the saved billions to subjects of key civilisational and strategic importance: practical defense training, shooting, medical rescue, cyber security, artificial intelligence (AI) technologies and advanced programming from the earliest ages.
FILAR 27: CONSTITUTIONAL ANTI-AUTHORITARIAN SAFEGUARDS – BLOCKING DICTATORSHIP
Implementation of hard, systemic control safeguards preventing authoritarian usurpation of executive and presidential power. Any attempt to refuse to appoint a legal government, block judicial nominations or manipulate elections results in the automatic suspension of the presidential exercise of office by operation of law and the takeover of duties by the Marshal of the Sejm.
FILAR 28: TOTAL TRANSPARENCY OF REMUNERATIONS THROUGHOUT THE PUBLIC SECTOR
Introduction of absolute transparency of all salaries, awards, bonuses (including at the National Bank of Poland and the Chancellery of the President), functional allowances and per diems paid to politicians, members of government, state and local government officials and authorities of foundations using public funds or collections. A publicly accessible online register of pay operating in real time will eliminate hidden corruption and party sinecures.
FILAR 29: FINANCIAL DECLARATIONS 100% PUBLIC, COMPUTER-BASED AND FAMILY-INCLUSIVE
Total elimination of secrecy clauses in the financial declarations of persons holding public office. Obligation to complete declarations in a standardized digital format together with a real market valuation of real estate, cryptocurrencies, shares in companies and assets transferred to spouses, children and family foundations under the penalty of mandatory confiscation of undisclosed property.
FILAR 30: COMPLETE ANNULMENT OF THE TWO-WEEK GOVERNMENT'S DECISIONS FROM 2023
Statutory recognition as absolutely void by operation of law (ex tunc) of all financial decisions, resolutions, personal appointments, grants and asset transfers made by the so-called two-week government of Morawiecki from November 2023. All acts are subject to immediate cancellation and funds extracted must be returned to the state budget.

PART IV: ECONOMIC, DEFENSIVE AND LEGAL SOVEREIGNTY (FILARS 31–40)

FILAR 31: DEFENSE SOVEREIGNTY – SOURCE CODES AND COMPULSORY OFFSET
An uncompromising statutory requirement that every arms contract concluded by the Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland must include full industrial offset, technology transfer, servicing in Polish facilities and the handover of complete source codes and operational accesses to the Republic. A ban on buying bare equipment that makes the country's security dependent on the whims and decisions of foreign capitals.
FILAR 32: ZERO REMUNERATION FOR SUSPENDED OFFICIALS AND JUDGES
Immediate suspension of salaries, allowances and any pay for prosecutors, judges and senior state officials in the event of their formal suspension from duties or the initiation of criminal proceedings for breaking the law. An end to paying tens of thousands of zloty per month for the inactivity of people from the old establishment.
FILAR 33: ZERO SEVERANCE AND 'GOLDEN PARACHUTES' IN THE PUBLIC SECTOR
Total abolition of severance payments, gigantic compensation for non-compete clauses and golden parachutes for ministers, deputy ministers, presidents of the NBP (National Bank of Poland), village mayors, town mayors, city presidents and members of the boards and supervisory boards of State Treasury and municipal companies. Work for the state is service, not a tool for milking the budget by party appointees.
FILAR 34: ONE BIG INVESTIGATION INTO THE 2025 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
Mandatory consolidation of all scattered proceedings concerning electoral protests, irregularities and suspicions of falsifying the 2025 presidential election into one large nationwide investigation conducted directly under the supervision of the Attorney General with public transmission of hearings in order to punish the principals of the attack on the election.
FILAR 35: LIQUIDATION OF THE CBA AND THE POLITICIZED INSTITUTE OF NATIONAL REMEMBRANCE
Definitive liquidation of the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau and the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) – institutions transformed by the party apparatus into a political police, hook factories and centers for protecting power networks. Anti-corruption competences are taken over by the Central Investigation Bureau of the Police (CBŚP), and the IPN archives are 100% declassified and transferred to the State Archives.
FILAR 36: UNIVERSAL VOTING DUTY AND SECURE HYBRID VOTING
Introduction by law of a universal obligation to participate in elections for all adult citizens modeled on proven democratic systems. Implementation of secure, encrypted online voting based on blockchain technology in full coexistence with physical polling stations. Total abolition of party subsidies and the repeal of the archaic election silence.
FILAR 37: RIGID DEADLINES RESOLVING CASES IN FAVOR OF THE CITIZEN
Deletion from all legal acts and codes of discretionary procedural phrases. Introduction of rigid calendar deadlines for an office or court to resolve a case – exceeding them results in an automatic, definitive ruling in favor of the citizen (the principle of tacit consent and recognition of the claim), and the dilatory official bears personal financial liability.
FILAR 38: CITIZENS' MONOPOLY ON CREATING THE NEW CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND
Absolute exclusion from the drafting process of the New Basic Law of former and current deputies, senators, ministers, presidents and representatives of party legal corporations. The new Constitution must be an act of the sovereign people: prepared by a Citizens' Assembly selected by lottery with the support of independent experts and approved in a nationwide referendum.
FILAR 39: THE STATUS OF A POLITICIAN AS A HIRED EMPLOYEE OF THE NATION
Statutory definition of the legal status of a deputy, senator and councilor as a hired employee of the Nation. Mandatory presence at votes under the threat of immediate disciplinary dismissal and loss of pay. Changing a parliamentary club or party during a term means immediate expiration of the mandate by operation of law.
FILAR 40: INSTITUTIONAL AUTOMATISM OF THE RULE OF LAW – NO MORE BLOCKADES
Implementation of a strict regime of responsibility for all state bodies for refusal to execute final judgments, rulings and court resolutions. When a public official, president, minister or judge delays fulfilling a constitutional duty (e.g. taking the oath from judges or signing ambassadorial nominations), the IT system automatically suspends them from duties after 14 days and initiates removal from office procedures.

PART V: JUSTICE, FINANCE AND PERSONAL RESPONSIBILITY (FILARS 41–50)

FILAR 41: DELEGALIZATION OF NEO-JUDGES, BAN ON JUDGING AND DEPRIVATION OF PENSIONS
All judges appointed with gross violation of the Constitution by the politicized neo-National Council of the Judiciary (neo-KRS) and duplicates in the Constitutional Tribunal and the Supreme Court are by law permanently removed from adjudication. Their appointment acts are declared void. They are immediately stripped of undue immunities and luxury retirement privileges in inactive status and are transferred to the universal ZUS system, bearing full criminal liability for unlawful judgments issued.
FILAR 42: ABSOLUTE BAN ON INTERMEDIARIES IN PUBLIC AND DEFENSE CONTRACTS
In the execution of state, local government, infrastructure, fuel and military procurements, a strict ban is introduced on the participation of any intermediaries, shell companies (such as OTS), advisory entities and commission agents. Contracts may only be concluded directly with certified manufacturers under the presumption of corruption and treason offenses.
FILAR 43: MANDATORY ABSOLUTE IMPRISONMENT FOR OFFICIALS AND POLITICIANS
Politicians, members of the government, deputies, senators, judges, prosecutors and high state officials committing crimes in connection with their office are completely deprived of the possibility of suspended sentences. For corruption, abuse of power, paid favoritism or theft of public property, only unconditional imprisonment is imposed, increased by a minimum of 50% compared to general sanctions.
PILLAR 44: ABSOLUTE JURISDICTIONAL EQUALITY – BAN ON CORPORATE CONSENTS
Final rejection of any formal and material immunities. No person on the territory of the Republic of Poland – regardless of whether they hold the office of President, Prime Minister, marshal, member of parliament, judge or prosecutor – has a protective shield against the law. A notification of a committed crime is processed immediately before a common court without the need to obtain any Sejm resolutions or corporate consents.
PILLAR 45: DIGITAL SOVEREIGNTY AND FULL JURISDICTION OVER PLATFORMS
All global digital corporations, web applications and social networks that monetize traffic or collect data on the territory of Poland must unconditionally be subject to Polish law and Polish courts. Every entity has a statutory obligation to maintain a physical registered office in Poland with direct contact to an authorized management board under the penalty of immediate domain blocking and financial sanctions.
PILLAR 46: CALENDAR-BASED JUDICIAL AND PROSECUTORIAL RIGOR (DEADLINES 7/14/30 DAYS)
Introduction of rigid, non-extendable calendar deadlines for courts and prosecutors: a maximum of 7 days to issue incidental rulings, 14 days to prepare a written justification of a judgment and 30 days to conclude key procedural stages. Missing a deadline results in automatic loss of 50% of the judge’s or prosecutor’s salary for that month, and a repeat violation leads to disciplinary removal from the profession.
PILLAR 47: TWO-COMPONENT, LEGIBLE SIGNATURE OF PERSONAL RESPONSIBILITY
Every court judgment, prosecutorial ruling, administrative decision, bill, regulation and their justifications must, under penalty of absolute nullity, bear a legible, full given name and surname of the responsible person printed in type and a handwritten, legible personal signature. The use of illegible initials and anonymous stamps is prohibited.
PILLAR 48: REAL-TIME BANKING – SETTLEMENTS 24/7/365
All banking and financial institutions operating on the territory of the Republic of Poland have an unconditional obligation to post and settle interbank transfers in real time, 24 hours a day, 7 days a week, 365 days a year without additional fees. It is forbidden to withhold citizens’ and entrepreneurs’ funds in interbank settlement sessions such as Elixir or to unlawfully use other people’s capital on weekends and holidays.
PILLAR 49: MANDATORY VAT REFUND WITHIN A MAXIMUM OF 7 DAYS
A statutory obligation to refund overpaid value added tax (VAT) to entrepreneurs’ bank accounts within a non-extendable period of 7 calendar days from the filing of the return. Firms’ funds are the lifeblood of the national economy and may not be frozen under the pretext of multi-month tax verifications. Any inspections may take place only in parallel without blocking financial liquidity.
PILLAR 50: END TO THE NEWSPEAK OF IMPUNITY – PRECISE CRIMINAL QUALIFICATION
An absolute ban on judges, prosecutors and politicians using manipulative newspeak that conceals crimes. Complete elimination of artificial concepts such as “disciplinary offense”, “breach of the dignity of office”, “formal error” or “oversight” in relation to theft, pimping, corruption, election falsification, human rights violations and constitutional treason. Every such act is to be classified and tried directly under the Penal Code with mandatory confiscation of assets!

CBA STEPS INTO ATOM, TUSK REJECTS NAWROCKI'S BLACKMAIL, THE PEGASUS NOOSE AROUND THE ELITES AND THE ZAMOJSKA CLIQUE IN PANIC!